Michael Maiello's picture

    Misusing The Ring of Gyges

    In the Times today, a professor of philosophy and a professor of government team up to tackle the "Moral Hazards of Drones," and they evoke Plato's tale of Gyges to make the case.

    The Gyges story is a simple one.  A farmer finds a magic ring that renders him invisible.  The power corrupts him to the point where he uses it to kill the King.  He then marries the Queen and takes over the country.  The authors (John Kaag the philosopher and Sarah Kreps, the expert in government) explore our moral revulsion at the idea that just because you can get away with something that you might feel justified in doing it.  You shouldn't not steal, rape and murder for fear of getting caught.  You should not do those things because you're an ethical person who doesn't mistreat others, even when you can get away with it.

    Kaag and Kreps apply these lessons to Obama's drone war against terror suspects and finds that the administration is severely lacking in ethical grounding.  Killing people via remote control, they argue, is akin to having the magic ring.  It allows for the U.S. to act with impunity.

    Maybe the professors* were dumbing things down for a newspaper audience, but I was a little surprised by the simplicity of this argument.  Maybe we haven't given Gyges his due.  In Plato's telling, Gyges is clearly in the wrong.  He uses his immunity from justice for personal gain at the expense of the King.  We must assume that in this case, the King is the just rule of the land and that the people accept that.

    But what if we complicate matters a bit?  What if the King is a tyrant?  What if, instead of the ring going to a simple farmhand who grows wild with ambition, the ring goes to Hamlet, who uses it to kill his Uncle, who usurped the throne from his father, thus restoring the proper monarchy under the named heir?  Or what if, instead of installing himself as dictator, Gyges uses the ring to slay a tyrant and then sets up an anarcho-syndicalist commune where the citizens take turns acting as a sort of executive officer of the week, but all of the decision of that officer have to be ratified at a biweekly counsel, by a simple majority in the case of purely internal affairs but by a two third majo--

    Once you decide that the King's authority lacks legitimacy, the story has changed.  Who we are targeting with the drones really does matter.  Kaag and Kreps point out that the unilateral executive authority being used here is problematic.  I agree.  Checks and balances are clearly missing from the process.

    But the other side of the Gyges story is that just because you can act with impunity doesn't mean you shouldn't.  What if our farmer had, after the death of his beloved Uncle Ben, turned to fighting crime?

    *In the draft of this that I posted, I referred to the professors as "terrorists," by accident.  This is not generally how I disagree with people.  See acanuck's comment below for a chuckle.*

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    Excellent. Thanks for this.


    Maybe the terrorists were dumbing things down for a newspaper audience, but I was a little surprised by the simplicity of this argument.

    That's a bit harsh, destor.


    If there is any group in society which has caused greater terror in the hearts of greater numbers than the professoriat, I'd like them imprisoned to hire them for my own personal, but very honourable, ends.


    I liked how they started out, but about halfway through, I thought they started picking out nits in a field of absurdity. Hellloo, I come at this from this view: all war is obscene and absurd, no ifs ands or buts. For instance, calling something like WWII "the good war" is absurd, if you just venture a bit away from the comic book version.

    If there is anyplace for relativism, this area is it! You cannot make reason about war. "Just war" theory is absurd to anyone with common sense. All war rules ultimately hit absurdity head on, always have, always will. You can try to do it more morally, bending to your own culture's morals, but that too is always going to be relativist, because enemies and their tactics will always change, and not always going to follow the other side's rules. Actually, they may have become the enemy because they won't follow your moral rules to start with! Hey, If everyone didn't disagree about morals, maybe there wouldn't have been so many massive wars, ya think?

    I think anti-drone activists need to stick to arguing about us following our own Constitution, there's some meat there on this topic (which is where I sense you are at, destor, but I don't sense the same thing from these two writers.) But getting into universal morality as regards anything to do with "warrioring," that leads you nowhere.

    Here you go, you want it, it's easy, the universal moral is: thou shalt not kill

    (no mulligans that I can see for war in that rule.) Less killing, less sin?

    Unless you're writing a play about Robin Hood or a white hats vs black hats in the old west or some fictional characters like that....


    The issue isn't about not dying in high enough quantities vis-a-vis the enemy. The issue is whether the enemy's really the enemy, and whether we're killing lots of innocents instead with our "smart" bombs and drones and other super-intelligent devices.

    I agree with Patton in that the object is to make some other dumb son-of-a-bitch die for his country. Presuming we're in a legal war and he's fighting us - two big ifs in our current scenario.


    Just rewriting my silly comment from yesterday...

    Philosophers are often eager to apply classical theories to contemporary dilemmas. A classical allusion is much like an appeal to divine authority. By referencing Plato, the authors make it seem as if one of the greatest moral thinkers in history would want to denounce drone attacks. (As a bonus, such allusions also help justify spending one's life interpreting ancient texts.)

    But it's all too easy to pervert the old texts in one's zeal to recruit long-dead luminaries to the cause. Prof. John Kaag should certainly know better.

    He and his co-writer propose: "This story, which is as old as Western ethics itself, is meant to elicit a particular moral response from us: disgust."

    Odd. I have never before heard this particular interpretation of the allegory, and it makes little sense in context.

    In the Republic, a character named Glaucon presents the Gyges story to Socrates. As with most of the speeches by secondary characters, Plato's uses Glaucon to offer a counter-argument, which he then refutes in the voice of Socrates. In this case, Glaucon is arguing that people are naturally unjust (what we might call "immoral" but slightly different). That is, given the opportunity to commit injustice without risk of penalty, we won't hesitate. In that case, the only difference between a just man and an unjust man is that the unjust man thinks he can get away with it.

    Plato then spends the majority of the Republic refuting this position. He argues that there is a genuine psychological difference between the just man and the unjust man. The truly just man, he proposes, would never commit injustice even if he owned the Ring of Gyges.

    So how does this apply to the ethics of drones? It doesn't. Plato did not introduce the tale in order to explore the nature of injustice. Gyges' crime--the killing of a king for selfish reasons--is obviously unjust and requires no explanation. It is deliberately black-and-white. Had Plato made the king into an enemy of Gyges whose death might have had some justification, it would have muddled the point. Indeed, both Plato and Socrates were warriors from violent times, and it's unlikely that they would have had any objection to using the magic ring to defeat military enemies.

    It's a shame that the authors pursued the red herring of Gyges' ring because drone strikes pose a much more applicable philosophical dilemma: Do the ends justify the means?

    Any rational defense of drones must invoke utilitarian principles: the killing of innocents is justified by the number of lives saved by defeating terrorists.

    One could also argue against this position on utilitarian grounds--that drones actually cause more death and destruction than they prevent.

    Or one could argue against it on Kantian grounds--that killing innocents is inherently immoral, no matter how many lives you save.

    Or one could just muddle the picture with a sophomoric reading of Plato designed to fit one's own rhetorical ends.


    Thank you, Mr. Common Sense. smiley


    Your summary is excellent.  The mention of the Gyges story in this context is a red herring, and the authors misrepresent its role in The Republic.

    There is an interesting issue about whether or not the ability to conduct military attacks from a distance, and without direct risk to one's own combatants, will make military leaders more likely to act irresponsibly or immorally.  That seems plausible.  But it has little to do with anything Plato was writing about.


    Thanks. A rare opportunity to put my philosophy degree to work.

    I agree that the impact of drone technology on military intervention is an interesting question, despite the Gyges crap. But my feeling is that the catastrophic impact of military invasion is so much greater than the drones themselves that the real question is whether the drone attacks encourage or discourage invasion. That is, if drones help us to avoid the horrible U.S. invasions that have characterized the post-WWII era, they might serve a far more valuable purpose than say, fighting terrorism. On the other hand, they may become just the first phase in more military escalations. Either way, I think the drones' effect on the probability of full-scale war weighs heavier than the death and destruction they directly produce.


    Kaag's and Krep's referral to Gyges getting away with actions without consequence possibly has bearing on the Platonic narrative but they omit the central claim Plato is making about the impossibility of invisible action.

    It is not as if the the people who survive  on the perimeter of a drone attack wonder about what just happened to them and who did it.


    It's a good point.  These attacks aren't actually without consequence.  And claiming that they are kind of undermines arguments against them.  Though I have to admit that though I have a lot of reservations about how this program is administered, I am finding that I'm not as against it as I might have expected to be.


    I agree that claiming the strikes are without consequences undermines arguments against their use.

    As a tactical weapon, used against a known enemy who strives to use every means to destroy us, the strikes seem like simple war. But we are not actually fighting a war in that sense. We are engaged in a thousand wars that are mostly not understood by "us."

    Whether it is intended or not, the extensive use of drone warfare undermines the idea of an international system of law. Its use can't help making a very simple statement:

    Our gang will take out your gang. Be afraid.


    I think you're right.  Although, "our gang can take out your gang," was always the Al-Qaeda message.  If technology has afforded the U.S. an asymmetrical counter to asymmetrical warfare, I'm not sure it can be ignored or sidelined.


    Al-Qaeda is the offspring of War and can only reproduce within the incubator of War. They insert themselves into as many conflicts as they can, providing resources to this or that side of countless disputes because they gain something every time they can co-opt some portion of a local conflict as another battleground for their fight. They don't care about who they lose in a battle if they keep expanding the network of their brand. They explicitly talk about their losses in terms of a system of exchange.

    Just killing these people is not changing the ecology of why they keep reproducing.

    When looked at as an available verb in the vocabulary of using force, I wouldn't propose "ignoring" or "sidelining" the use of drones.  But there seems to be little strategic understanding that the weapon is being used against an organization built upon acts of martyrdom and self sacrifice.

    On that level, these strikes help Al Qaeda prove that America is everywhere and ready to kill anyone who would oppose their will.

    I would prefer the strategy to work more in the direction of why these people have money and how they distribute it.  You can't do that work as a gangster. You have to be a powerful nation willing to spend political capital in order to attain a certain end.


    Al-Qaeda is the offspring of War and can only reproduce within the incubator of War.

    I don't agree. I think it is all about situations perceived as occupation of Islamic populations by "infidels." And that includes not just what most people would call an occupation, like the USSR of Afghanistan or Israel of Palestine, but other things such as a US military base in Saudi Arabia, or secular rule of an Islamic country, or even such things as secular rule over an Islamic community in say, France or the UK, or cultural infiltration via media.

    I think that rather than being a reaction to war, al Qaeda ideology sought to/seeks to provoke war with a perceived occupier. That is precisely why the invasion of Iraq was a colossal ideological blunder if argued to be a response to 9/11. The intent of 9/11 was to provoke full scale war.

    As far as the continual attraction issue is concerned, I think that in being about purity and pride of tribe, al Qaeda et.al. spoke to the eternal character of "humiliated young male," just like any other gang does.

    As far as targeted assassination in response, here in the form of drone strikes, the question about effectiveness is: is it seen as more humiliation, or does it just take us back to a place which is basically status quo for civilization, a problem that has always been with us: a large number of humiliated young men looking for leadership and tribe?

    I am not sure, but I do see evidence it might be working, where, in conjunction with "Arab spring," Al Qaeda et.al. are starting to look like a bunch of losers that no self-respecting angry young Islamic male would want to join/follow. Some quickly picked examples:

    The militants had come to realize that the increasingly effective drone strikes made them look weak, and they began getting rid of the evidence as fast as they could

    and

    "At least 70% of the Taliban are angry at al-Qaida. Our people consider al-Qaida to be a plague that was sent down to us by the heavens," the commander says. "To tell the truth, I was relieved at the death of Osama [bin Laden]. Through his policies, he destroyed Afghanistan. If he really believed in jihad he should have gone to Saudi Arabia and done jihad there, rather than wrecking our country."

    I do think Mohammed Bouazizi and Khaled Said stole a lot of al Qaeda's thunder, and it's mostly serendipity that targeted assassinations at the same time made sure there were few of leadership quality left to co-opt those effects.


    Yes, the intention to throw off occupations and cause wars where they are not happening yet is central to what Al Qaida wants to do. I don't think that element cancels my observation that they go where conflicts give them a chance to play a part in actual war. War opens up opportunities.

    The point made by the "Taliban commander" you link to supports the idea that Al Qaida can't play their game in their own countries. Saudi Arabia and Egypt exported those people and kept them exported. The argument Al Qaida made for the "far war" was based on the idea of the local wars were being completely canceled by the powers that be. 

    I take your point that Al Qaida has been weakened by the drone attacks and that there is a concerted effort underway to eliminate them. My objection is that there doesn't seem to be anything going on but this singling out of a certain group and killing them. In this sense, we are meeting them on their own terms. This willingness to play their game gives them something I would rather take away from them.


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