Genghis on Debt Ceiling II: Return of the Boehner
Gallup: Obama 45, Romney 45
Fact That Things Suck Cited As Impediment To Re-Election
|
Genghis on Debt Ceiling II: Return of the Boehner Gallup: Obama 45, Romney 45 Fact That Things Suck Cited As Impediment To Re-Election |
Read |
According to the non-partisan Tax Policy Center, John McCain's recently released tax plan is very regressive "even compared with a system in which the 2001-06 tax cuts are made permanent." It provides "relatively little tax relief to those at the bottom of the income scale while providing huge tax cuts to households at the very top of the income distribution."
Many have remarked on McCain's inconsistency in proposing a tax plan even more regressive than the Bush tax cuts he once opposed. His criticism at the time was passionate and consistent. He first spoke out against Bush's proposed tax plan in January of 2000, arguing: "I don't believe the wealthiest 10% of Americans should get 60% of the tax breaks. I think the lowest 10% should get the breaks."
McCain then voted against Bush's tax cuts in both 2001 and 2003, explaining: "When you look at the percentage of the tax cuts that--as the previous tax cuts--that go to the wealthiest Americans, you will find that the bulk of it, again, goes to wealthiest Americans... A lot of Americans now are paying a very large a--low and middle-income Americans are paying a significantly larger amount of their income in taxes. I’d like to see them get the bulk of the relief."
McCain skipped significant tax votes in 2004, and it was not until 2006 that he voted to make the Bush tax cuts permanent.
McCain's change of heart in 2006 is particularly curious, since he only recently moved away from supply-side economic theory. In 2000, he explained: "In the interest of full disclosure, I didn't pay nearly the attention to those issues in the past. I was probably a 'supply-sider' based on the fact that I really didn't jump into the issue.... I also hope that my thinking has changed as a result of the times. I am compelled by information that indicates that there's a growing gap between haves and have-nots in America."
McCain's economic advisor, Kevin Hassett, added: "The Bush plan is a 1980s plan, and it ignores the lessons of the '90s. Senator McCain challenged his economic team to figure out why we're doing well in the '90s."
All the more strange then that Hassett and McCain have now returned to supply-side theory. This year, Hassett argued: "What really happens is that the economy grows more vigorously when you lower tax rates. It is beyond the reach of economic science to explain precisely why that happens, but it does."
But does it? The lessons of the 80's and 90's, which Hassett noted in 2000, demonstrate the opposite. The consequences of Federal policies in the 80's and 90's suggest that tight fiscal policy, not tax cuts, spurs growth. Moreover, the few years of economic growth between recessions under the Bush Administration pale in comparison to the economic boom of the 90's, so there has not been new information to contradict the lessons of the 90's. Finally, the income gap that McCain cited in 2000 as justification for his criticisms of supply-side theory has grown dramatically for the last eight years.
Without new information to lead McCain and Hassett to change their minds, one naturally suspects political motivations. John McCain, having been attacked by fellow Republicans for his opposition to Bush's tax cuts, conveniently returned to the conservative economic fold not long before running for President, and his change of heart certainly helped him during the Republican primary. Such an interpretation also fits with Hassett's shoulder-shrugging non-explanation for supply-side's alleged success as "beyond the reach of economic science." But if driven by political expediency, why has McCain continued to push an even more regressive tax policy after winning the nomination? While outdoing Bush on tax cuts for the wealthy helps him to maintain support from rank-and-file Republicans, he has lost significant strategic ground to Obama, since Obama's plan offers more tax relief to lower and middle class Americans than McCain's does. He has also underscored the validity of Obama's charge that he would continue Bush's policies.
There is a third possibility. McCain's rejection of Bush's tax policies from 2000 through 2003 may have been more politically motivated than his current economic position. That is to say, he may have exaggerated his opposition to those policies at the time in order to bolster his reputation as a maverick. This possibility is supported by the fact that there was a discrepancy between McCain's words in 2000 and his policies. While he argued that "the lowest 10%" of earners should receive the most tax breaks, his own tax proposal at the time offered them almost nothing; all the benefits would have gone to the top 40%. Attempting to demonstrate that his economic plan benefited "the have-nots," McCain highlighted his proposal to raise the income threshold subject to the fifteen percent tax bracket: "If you put more and more people into the fifteen percent tax bracket, you would have a significant beneficial effect. The have-nots are not the poorest necessarily; the have-nots are lower- and middle-income Americans, who are not rising as fast as the wealthiest Americans, as well." But as Jonathan Chait of the New Republic noted in an interview with John McCain, those making more than the threshold included only the top 25% of tax payers. McCain responded by acknowledging the discrepancy between his tax proposal and his stated intentions: "Maybe I'm not paying enough attention to the poorest of America. Maybe my priorities are not correct. I selected this course not thinking that it's perfect but thinking that it's the best that I could come up with."
In 2008, McCain has had ample opportunity to come up with a more perfect plan. His new and improved tax plan all but ignores the poor in favor of tax cuts for the most wealthy. Whether he never meant those words, whether he has since rejected them, or whether he has decided that political expediency forces him to contradict them, it seems that John McCain has chosen to pay even less attention to the poorest of Americans.
By Nancy Benac, Associated Press, May 16, 2012
After the nastiness of the Republican primary race, former candidates have collective amnesia about Romney disses
Note to self: you think you're so smart about this kinda stuff, but you yourself fell for it once again.....so much for all the prognostication about one of our political parties disintegrating from all the primary campaign animosity.
Pew Resarch Center for the People and the Press, May 15, 2012
For decades survey research has provided trusted data about political attitudes and voting behavior, the economy, health, education, demography and many other topics. But political and media surveys are facing significant challenges as a consequence of societal and technological changes.
It has become increasingly difficult to contact potential respondents and to persuade them to participate. The percentage of households in a sample that are successfully interviewed – the response rate – has fallen dramatically. At Pew Research, the response rate of a typical telephone survey was 36% in 1997 and is just 9% today. The general decline in response rates is evident across nearly all types of surveys, in the United States and abroad. At the same time, greater effort and expense are required to achieve even the diminished response rates of today. These challenges have led many to question whether surveys are still providing accurate and unbiased information [....]
On May 16, 2012 at 7:00 PM, the Ride of Silence will begin in North America and roll across the globe. Cyclists will take to the roads in a silent procession to honor cyclists who have been killed or injured while cycling on public roadways. Although cyclists have a legal right to share the road with motorists, the motoring public often isn't aware of these rights, and sometimes not aware of the cyclists themselves.
...
The Ride of Silence is a free ride that asks its cyclists to ride no faster than 12 mph, wear helmets, follow the rules of the road and remain silent during the ride. There are no sponsors and no registration fees. The ride, which is held during National Bike Month, aims to raise the awareness of motorists, police and city officials that cyclists have a legal right to the public roadways. The ride is also a chance to show respect for and honor the lives of those who have been killed or injured.
A new UCLA rat study is the first to show how a diet steadily high in fructose slows the brain, hampering memory and learning — and how omega-3 fatty acids can counteract the disruption. The peer-reviewed Journal of Physiology publishes the findings in its May 15 edition.
"Our findings illustrate that what you eat affects how you think," said Fernando Gomez-Pinilla, a professor of neurosurgery at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA and a professor of integrative biology and physiology in the UCLA College of Letters and Science. "Eating a high-fructose diet over the long term alters your brain's ability to learn and remember information. But adding omega-3 fatty acids to your meals can help minimize the damage."
While earlier research has revealed how fructose harms the body through its role in diabetes, obesity and fatty liver, this study is the first to uncover how the sweetener influences the brain.
The UCLA team zeroed in on high-fructose corn syrup, an inexpensive liquid six times sweeter than cane sugar, that is commonly added to processed foods, including soft drinks, condiments, applesauce and baby food. The average American consumes more than 40 pounds of high-fructose corn syrup per year, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
"We're not talking about naturally occurring fructose in fruits, which also contain important antioxidants," explained Gomez-Pinilla, who is also a member of UCLA's Brain Research Institute and Brain Injury Research Center. "We're concerned about high-fructose corn syrup that is added to manufactured food products as a sweetener and preservative."
[Better write this down]
Christopher Doyon, a.k.a. Commander X, sits atop a hillside in an undisclosed location in Canada, watching a reporter and photographer make their way along a narrow path to join him, away from the prying eyes of law enforcement.
It’s been a few weeks of encrypted emails back and forth, working out the security protocol to follow for interviewing Doyon, one of the brains behind Anonymous, now a fugitive from the FBI.
Doyon, who readily admits taking part in some of the highest-profile hacktivist attacks on websites last year — from Tunisia to Orlando, Sony to PayPal — was arrested in September for a comparatively minor assault on the county website of Santa Cruz, Calif., where he was living, in retaliation for the town forcibly removing a homeless encampment on the courthouse steps.
The “virtual sit-in” lasted half an hour. For that, Doyon is facing 15 years in jail.