The Bishop and the Butterfly: Murder, Politics, and the End of the Jazz Age

    On Progressives and Power

    As someone who has worked for a legislature I can tell you that the provenance of ideas--who is proposing them, who is for them and against them, and how powerful are those forces--has an enormous amount to do with how, and whether, they are even seriously considered by legislators.

    The reason why public policy decisions are being conducted in many areas using one bastardized, oversimplified and inaccurate version of "free market" theory is because legislators believe they stand both to gain by doing what the vociferous advocates and groups on the Right are demanding, and to lose by not doing what those organized groups want. 

    OTOH, I think it's a fair statement that Democratic legislators sometimes feel as though they don't get rewarded by groups they thought were with them when they do tough things, and they also are a heck of a lot less afraid of what might happen to their fortunes if they buck most of the groups they think of as part of their base of support. 

    Which is another way of saying that the institutional balance of forces, of power, is heavily lopsided right now in favor of the organized--and highly vocal--Right.  That could change to a degree if they overrreach badly.  That has often happened historically, including in the 1990s.  If that is the way the pendulum swings back in the other direction, however, it won't be in support of a clear, consistently expressed message and positive agenda being offered by Democrats, backed by organized power to entice potential allies and discourage foes. It will be because the other side messed up. 

    If your ideas have organized power behind them, that can do a great deal to get you to the table--although it is neither always necessary, nor sufficient.  If your ideas have no powerful organized clout behind them, you can sometimes get them adopted anyway, particularly if they are not what are known as "heavy lifts" (policy changes that face powerful entrenched organized opposition).  But it's a lot harder.  It is all but impossible to get heavy lift policy changes accepted without organized support for those policies that has the attention of elected officials.

    This helps explain some of the differences in orientation between the former DLC and some of the liberal activist groups.  The former DLC's theory of power was that if you can come up with ideas that attract strong bipartisan support from policymakers you can get them adopted.  You don't need to have an organized lobby behind them to do that.  That is sometimes true.  The limit to that is that it's very hard to get policy changes that are opposed by powerful interest groups.  The range of policy that gets serious consideration is seriously limited in that way.  So what one saw out of the DLC's efforts were lots of relatively small-bore ideas that did not purport to offer far-reaching solutions to major policy challenges.

    Strong carbon emissions reductions legislation, by contrast (to take one example), faces powerful entrenched opposition.  As does HC reform.  As does financial reform, etc.  Those are much tougher lifts.  You really need organized power that can at least compete with the opposed organized power to even have a chance, to even get your ideas seriously considered by enough legislators to potentially make a majority.  If I may, I conclude that Obama's view is that even though he supports some of these heavier lift measures he looks at the balance of organized power and concludes he can't get that done.

    So regardless of whatever one concludes about what Obama wants on policy, it doesn't matter if that is the case in the sense that the only way any of this changes is if organized power can be developed that is strong enough to support and pressure more policymakers to be willing to vote for them. 

    To organize successfully usually requires a necessarily oversimplified (but necessarily plausible as well, at least to the major target audiences) narrative that implicitly, at least, but often explicitly as well, identifies one or more "bad guys".  That is offputting and even insulting to many people who are well educated, who see that there is exaggeration in all of this, who are put off by what they consider oversimplification and overheated rhetoric, and who want to engage at a deeper, more skeptical level on the substance of issues. 

    So there are from what I observe lots and lots of very thoughtful and well-informed people who self-identify as moderate or left of center who want to engage public affairs on a purely intellectual level (that is my preference and my more 'natural' inclination as well, BTW).  They want to discuss pros and cons. 

    But not only are they themselves not "out there" attempting to organize people to support any particular policy goals, but in some cases they are so put off by the oversimplification and exaggerated or irresponsible rhetoric that they either won't support, or they  actively oppose associating themselves with such efforts.  You strike me as very much of that orientation. 

    Not placing any judgment on this here--am just offering an interpretation that helps me make sense out of the policy outcomes and strong trends I observe over the last several decades, where, on economic issues certainly, public policy and the terms on which it is debated have shifted substantially to the right.

    This is one reason I have come to feel strongly about the union issue. It isn't because I think unions are perfect or always right by any means.  And as I've said I am very much open to institutions other than unions which can perform similar functions in altering the gross imbalances of power we see now. 

    Good ideas are necessary, but not sufficient.  Right now there just isn't enough organized power on the left side of center to have any chance whatsoever of being able to get an equal hearing and consideration for many, many "left of center" ideas on policy.  For decades unions provided that entree on many issues (by no means all), not just on narrow labor issues but on many other issues as well.  They are greatly weakened now.  Nothing has taken their place.  Thus the inability of people with left of center ideas, no matter how rational, no matter how good, to get many of them adopted has long been dramatically impaired. 

    None of this will change in my estimation unless and until the constellation of political forces changes at the level of the relative balance of organized power on left and right.  This is what has some of us excited about the mobilization and response in Wisconsin and around the country in response to that issue.  It isn't that that issue is by any impartial standard "the" most important one, or necessarily the key that will unlock the door to some sort of progressive resurgence. 

    It's that..finally...after the longest of droughts, there is some evidence that left of center collective action, on a significant scale, as a strategy for assisting in the enactment of progressive public policy is not entirely dead in this country.  And, with that, that social solidarity is not dead yet, either.  If it can happen in that context and on that issue, perhaps it can happen in other issues and contexts as well to permit some good things that haven't been able to get any political traction to have a chance of getting done. 

    I think there is a certain realism and discipline for progressives in accepting that kind of analysis, grounded as it is in a real-world understanding of power: good ideas by themselves are necessary, but they are not nearly enough.  And I think it has extremely important implications for the choices individuals make about how they are going to choose to spend whatever time they choose to spend trying to "change the world".  But that's another subject.  

    And, yes, I know I am oversimplifying and overgeneralizing highly complex reality here.  My hope is that there is, recognizably, enough small "t" truth here to help ground some discussion for those interested.  But that is for you, dear readers, to decide.

    Comments

    I think it's right on


    Progressive ideas can and will win in the end.  But when they win, progressives might not get the credit for them.

    Who would ever have thought that the cultural acceptance of gay marriage would have moved as rapidly as it has?   Just a couple of years ago it seemed the best that could be achieved would be a long interim period of gradual, grudging acceptance of civil unions.  But the progressive case has proved so persuasive that change is occuring very rapidly, to the extent that acceptance of gay marriage is increasingly popular among Republicans, and isn't even identified by them as a "progressive" position.

    Arguing for fundamental changes in the organization of society is always going to be an uphill struggle, especially when those changes do not serve the material interests of the most powerful and privileged members of our society.  Progressive innovation incurs the wrath, outrage and resentment of all those who are emotionally invested in the status quo.  And that is always going to be most people.  But you just have to keep making the case.  You can change people's minds, even if you don't convert them to your side.

    People are always going to hate on progressives.  But at the same time, they can be gradually persuaded by progressive arguments even as they go on hating progressive people.   I look forward to the coming progressive victory that will consist in successfully convincing a lot of rank-and-file middle class Republicans that the rich need to pay much higher taxes, and that executive salaries need to be curtailed.   But I expect that even when the day comes on which most Americans are finally voting for these things and effectively implementing them politically, they will still be identifying themselves as conservatives and moderates, and will still be railing against evil pinko socialist liberals and progressives.  But they will have come to think of income balance and equality as a common sense and even conservative defense of the American dream, a rock-ribbed conservative and deeply American attitude.

    I continue to think that it is the battle for ideas and persuasion that is the most important aspect of political change - maybe because that's the only aspect of generating change I am any good at - and that reason is a powerful battering ram by which even the most obtuse are ultimately overcome.   You might not get their hearts and guts into your "camp", but your arguments can still win out over their stubborn minds and inadequate theories.  So I I think progressives should continue to focus on doing more homework, acquiring better information and making better arguments.

    People might ask, "Haven't we been doing that?  Aren't progressive views and arguments already better and smarter?"   Frankly, I think not.   At least not in the mouths of most progressives.  Progressives these days frequently tend to think they are very smart and clever, but they are often actually quite dumb and intellectually incapable.  This is, in my view, the sad result of decades of dumbed-down liberal education, in which a commitment to rationality, logic, powerful quantitative thinking, and deeply layered bodies of information has been replaced by a collection of hip and pseudo-sophisticated cultural "attitudes" and clever poses, shored up by little more than some half-baked and intellectually undisciplined cultural studies and humanities fads, woven together in a loose emotional fabric of gut feelings and self-satisfied snark.

    People like this always find their own attitudes very intuitively appealing and comfortable, but are completely dumbfounded and perplexed when faced with an actual argument against their position that comes from outside their incredibly narrow comfort zone.  So they resort immediately to ironical disdain without counterargument, or fatuous relativism.  MS-NBC has made a whole art form out of this juvenile style of rhetoric.  But there is nothing more unattractive and ridiculous than unearned smugness and cluelessly oblivious sarcasm.

    Since they acquired their comfortable attitudes in college, the snark-progressives tend to think that they must be intellectually advanced.  But they are not.  A lot of progressives come off as wet-behind-the ears and overconfident college kids who haven't yet realized how ignorant they are, whose heads are stuffed with a lot of shallow though somewhat literate book learning, and who don't know anything at all about how the real world actually works.  In a word, a lot of progressives have become intellectually flabby, callow and shallow, yet vainly self-deluded about their intellectual achievements and capacities.  They now need to face the depressing reality about just how much junk, superficiality and illogic flits about in their minds, and hit the intellectual gym and work themselves into real shape.

    I visited some relatives last week and had a series of long arguments and debates with various conservative opponents.  I actually feel like I made headway with them.  Some of my academic knowledge continues to be useful.  But my experience in the business world has been much more helpful in marshaling experience-based facts and arguments that conservatives will sometimes find persuasive.  When they advance some conservative dogma about how society actually works economically, I am now usually able to come up with three or four concrete anecdotes drawn from the workplace that provide evidence that the economic sphere doesn't work that way at all.  And since these pieces of evidence are drawn from real-world lessons that resonate with my opponents' own experiences, they sometimes find them persuasive.

    Almost everyone, for example, has had a boss that threw them under the bus, or who made dumb decsions, or who fleeced customers and co-workers to advance their own positions.   Almost everyone has seen waste and inefficiency in practive.  Almost everyone has experienced the negative effects of ruthless hierarchy, paralyzing fear and workplace paranoia on job performance, etc.  Almost everyone in a company has experienced sheer stupidity and gross injustice on the part of owners or upper management.

    Lots of people can be convinced that they themselves are hard and productive workers and have been exploited by people above them, and are therefore underpaid.   I have had a certain amount of success in persuading some conservative friends that a 20-to-1 rule, which would cap executive salaries and force management to plow more company income back into employee salaries and benefits, would have a powerful positive impact on productivity, and provide a more efficient and productive distribution of a company's resources.  And once they see that such a measure would be good for their own companies, these conservatives are more open to the idea that it would be good for society as a whole.

    But I haven't found it necessary to "frame", spin and soft-sell my arguments.  My experience is that conservatives have more respect for someone who is willing to sock them in the mouth with a straightforward argument that isn't filled with a lot of euphemism and double-talk.

    There are a whole bunch of arguments about the economic organization of society that progressives of 40, 50 and 60 years ago could repeat in their sleep.  But that was all swept away during the more recent Third Way heyday of cultural liberalism combined with Reaganite and Thatcherite economic neoliberalism.  I'm pretty convinced that that era is now rapidly ending.  But we are still dealing with the intellectual wreckage and progressive decadence it wrought.  Sometimes I feel like we progressives are collectively like the Eloi of H.G. Wells's The Time Machine.  It's astonishing how dumbed-down progressive thinking became in the 80s, 90s and early 00's.  But I am hopeful, because I am starting to see it all come back to us.   Progressive intellectuals have been on a long and indolent vacation, but are starting to remember a lot of the stuff they used to know before they let their minds go soft, and are recovering their appreciation for the long, brutal battles that progressive forbears fought and won once before.


    I think that you have to point to a cultural issue like gay marriage to try to blunt AD's point only reinforces it.  Under his/her analysis, gay marriage never had very much institutional force in opposition to it; it doesn't really impact anyone's bottom line.  That combined with the fact that many of the people most responsible for increasing the acceptance of gays are rich and middle-class white men who also happen to be gay, and I think that, among all of the liberal objectives, this is by far one of the easiest to achieve.

    And I also don't agree that progressive intellectuals have ever had much to do with progressive change.  I think that change has almost always come from the grassroots when the status quo has become unsustainable.  On the bright side, and in the spirit of your new-found optimism, the Republicans seem more determined than ever to make life in America so impoverished and unpleasant that enough Americans will eventually be compelled to start fighting back against the forces of economic oligarchy.  And whether credit goes to Republican overreach or the power of progressive ideas, that will be a good thing.


    "...economic neoliberalism...I'm pretty convinced that that era is now rapidly ending"

    Why is neoliberalism ending?  Show me the evidence.    Were I wish it so, but I only see the opposite, pretty much everywhere.  Your wishful thinking sounds no different then some 'wet behind the ears' college kid who believes that just becuase his group of friends are changing attitudes the whole world must be*.

    The rest of your comment, I fully agree with.  

    (*neoliberalism is indifferent to human rights.The great progress on homosexual rights is fantastic news, but it isn't related).  


    Why is neoliberalism ending?  Show me the evidence.    Were I wish it so, but I only see the opposite, pretty much everywhere.  

    The degree of flux right now is higher than it's been, I believe.  But neoliberalism, for the time being, remains ascendant in Europe, the US and Australia.  China and other East Asian countries were never neoliberal in their policies. 

    The heterodox economist Ha-Joon Chang has written some terrific stuff challenging the prevailing public consumption opinion stuff published in the US that asserts that achieving societal wealth is now and has always required adherence to free trade and other sacred tenets of the dominant radical version of capitalist theoretical dogma.  His latest is 23 Things They Don't Tell You About Capitalism.


    Why is neoliberalism ending?  Show me the evidence.

    This is just a rough impression, but neoliberalism imo died in Asia in 1998 when it was exposed as a bankrupt philosophy. They realized they can't count on international finance, free flowing capital and open markets for development. In Europe the picture varies - In Britain the newly reformed Labour party is much more skeptical of it than its Blairite predecessor, the Bank of England is equally so. in France the Socialist party is in total disarray but the labor unions and the far left have been pretty successful in beating back the Sarkozy liberalizing reform package. In Germany n-l never really caught on. The problem in the EU and in the US is that on the federal level (Brussels and Washington) the neoliberal forces - through the proximity of their lobbyists to the centers of power and the distance of that center from their actual constituents - really run the show whereas on the national/state level it is much less forceful and/or relevant. I realize some people around here differ on where the People stand as regards economic ideology, but I am always struck by how supportive the general population in the US is of progressive policies, whether it be labor rights, government programs, centralized planning, etc.

    To me it is the national scene in the US that is the problem. The leadership of both parties espouse neoliberalism wholeheartedly. and not only the leadership but the civil service (esp. the Federal Reserve and Treasury who see the banking conglomerates as their clients to the detriment of the rest of the population), and the whole policy-making apparatus. The rot is deep. the hope lies on the state level.


    Can you sketch out why you think neoliberalism has been rejected in both Germany and the UK? Because, while I think that the term n-l is just shorthand for liberals who support free market orthodoxy, my understanding is that austerity reign in both of those countries.  I don't see how austerity, which basically frees up more money for the private sector, is anything but free-market orthodoxy.


    Neo-liberalism overseas has nothing to do with US-style left-wing liberalism, as far as I know. If in Europe you call yourself neoliberal, you are just saying you are right-wing.

    I don't think, and don't think I said, that it has been rejected in Britain or Germany. I'm saying the current Labour party in the UK has moved far to the left of where Blair had left it. Of course Labour is in the opposition right now. But it is not just Labour that has turned against the kind of neo-liberalism dominated by big finance. The Bank of England is fighting hard against the Tories on regulation, something that can't be said for the Fed in the US. And even the Tories aren't all bad - despite the austerity program. They have implemented a tax on big banks and a de facto carbon tax. Something that I couldn't imagine the GOP doing, nor even the Dems unifying around as policy.

    On Germany, I'll disagree with Saladin's take insofar as even this rightwing government hasn't cut spending much (the austerity they support is directed at southern European states, not themselves), and they have avoided the huge US-style job losses through work-sharing programs. Something that doesn't strike me as neo-liberal in spirit. And what Sal sees as a move right-wards is imo just an understandable West German exhaustion as regards the last 20 years massive welfare program that has been the assimilation of East Germany. As for Scandinavia, I don't personally see the shift towards the flexicurity model of social welfare as a move rightwards. If one wants to call that what they have up there neo liberal - strict bank regs, strong safety net, strong state dirigisme - it is a form of it that I think most leftists can feel comfortable with.

    In any case the crisis in Europe is just getting started, I think it is too early to say which way they will go when the big bills come due with sovereign defaults over the next couple of years.


    "The problem in the EU and in the US is that on the federal level (Brussels and Washington) the neoliberal forces...really run the show"

    Right.  Of course thinking citizens recogonize neoliberalism's moral bankrupcy, but they are not in charge.  In every country you cited there has been a strong shift right in economic policies, particularly Germany (this trend is true of the Nordic countries as well).  Sure, the US is a basketcase, and the number 1 cheerleader, but the embrace of neoliberalism is a worldwide phenomenon. Dan k's wishful thinking aside.

    I don't think its rot, so much as a structural problem. Our economies our structured around the banking system, of course that is who the Fed serves, and Obama for that matter. All economic growth depends on a healthy finance system, and you can't just make up a new one.  What has been lost is the moral basis of government (make life better, take care of old people, etc.), and recogonition of the importance of human capital to the long term health of an economy.  Short term economic thinking has fully trumped long term thinking.  It's not so much that we have lost leaders who can see this, but that we have lost a system that rewards those kind of leaders (I am certain that Obama--among many--gets this, but is politically handicap by the political game). 

    To be frank I don't really see how the states are going to lead us out of this.  They are even more short-term in their policies, and they don't have any money, or any means with which to raise any, nor for that matter any right to legislate interstate, or international, commerce.  So how you see them as our great hope against our neoliberal future is beyond me.


    Good to see you here, Sal! Firstly, I didn't say the states were a great hope. I had in mind the movements towards single payer in several states, which seems like the right kind of remedy for the PPACA mess. As for Scandinavia, I travel there pretty often and I don't see the rightward shift you are talking about. At least as regards economic policy. There is a backlash against immigrants, but that is imo quite separate.

    Other than that, interesting points. Thanks.


    I am a quite a fan of Ha-Joon Chang, but ask him how things are going. Ask him how big his office is compared to his free-trader colleages, his book deals, or how many grad students are begging to study him (or what their job prospects are after graduation).  He's a voice in the wilderness, which he would be the first to admit. 

    Regarding your assement of neo-liberalism in Asia, I would go farther then you and state that there isn't a successful case of  'neo-liberal' development (an argument could be made for Hong Kong but it is a very special case (constant supply of free labor, access to china, financial capital asia, vietnam war, etc.)). However, I fear that you are mistaking developmental economics with trade liberalization.  Every part of the world today is liberalizing trade, including East Asia, this in turn is leading to the spread of neo-liberalism.  Japan has papered this over with its insane domestic savings rates, but it is happening there too.  China is still a special case, but I can't help but note the rapidly rising power of domestic capitalists, and once the currency floats, all bets are off. 


    However, I fear that you are mistaking developmental economics with trade liberalization.

    Well, perhaps. I'll try to clarify what I was meaning to say. Chang's work among other things purports to show that the US and many other countries took off economically while ignoring "free trade" theory and erecting protectionist barriers for key industries.  (If he says in his writings that believes that necessarily or likely will be the case in the present and future I'm not aware of that, but I've only read one of his books, Bad Samaritans.)  One part of the old Washington Consensus/neoliberal "shock therapy" bucket of policies the IMF forced countries seeking assistance in the late 1990s to adopt included doing away with trade and foreign investment barriers.  Neoliberalism on paper--not always in reality, as should be clear on considering the many trade barriers that our country and other generally neoliberal countries have in place--entails adherence to free trade policies or at least movement in that direction.  The converse of that is not true, though.

    So countries can adopt some aspects of the neoliberal bucket of policies--trade liberalization--while rejecting others.  It sounds as though, unlike me, you've given thought to whether trade liberalization in East Asian countries is likely to lead to the spread of neoliberalism (meaning other neoliberal policies in addition to trade liberalization, I gather?) in that region and conclude the answer is "yes".  Interesting.


    Neo-liberalism does go beyond trade liberalization to include the idea of much smaller government. In fact it goes even farther in that it promotes market policies even down to the individual level (aka Chile pension privatization).  These policies clearly own the stage and by all indications are the future.  Even leftests have adopted them (see our liberal use of tax breaks/credits, or even more distressingly the health care bill).   Yes countries can do a mix, but the trend is clear.  I take issue with Dan's half baked hopes becuase he has zero evidence for them, everything points towards the opposite (and he is normally a pretty sharp, evidence based guy). 

    Regarding Asia, I think it very clearly has been ascendent in post 1997 SE asia, a little less so in Korea, Japan, or Taiwan (but still present).  But how long can the Japanesee goverment maintain its astronomical debt levels without crisis or true miracle?  Looking elsewhere neoliberalism clearly dominates S. America, and thanks to the ill-considered Euro is making rapid inroads in Europe (greece, ireland, spain anyone, germany's budget cutting).  Elsewhere; Russia? Africa? Central Asia? India? Seems neoliberalism has been on the march. 

    China is, as it so often is, a huge question mark. They maintain ultimate control of their FIRE industries.  But what happens when the currency floats and their T-bill armory disappears? Don't forget that they have a demographic time-bomb just as bad as Japan, plus an enviroment that is failing.  Are we going to allow them to be a reserve currency like ours?  Whatever they do, China will serve their own interests, unless the CCP crumbles and then it will become a purely neoliberal paradise.  Even if they maintain a statecapitalist system they will likely contintue promoting neoliberalism abroad (its easier to negociate with weak states and greedy businessmen).

    I want to believe You and Dan. But I need some evidence, beyond a liberal blogger confessing his past indiscretions. 


    I want to believe You and Dan. But I need some evidence, beyond a liberal blogger confessing his past indiscretions. 

    Not to get too-Ghandi-ish on a Sunday morning.  But short version of my post is my hope and plea that more of those who are not in the game but are limiting themselves to the skeptical or cynical analyst or bystander mindset (not saying that's you, Saladin), instead of asking for the evidence of positive change on the horizon, will consider what they might be able to do to help be that evidence. 

    I happen to believe that mass social movements will need to be part of any successful equation on the great economic issues and dynamics of the day given the forces that need to be confronted.  But I also don't think that means other kinds of activities--including one-on-one approaches to unlike-minded others of the sort DanK has been doing, among many other activities I know him to be doing such as writing great letters to newspaper editors and offering penetrating analysis here and at the cafe over the years--are therefore unproductive as well.  Who is to say that some of the people DanK wins over will not end up supporting, or even helping lead, a powerful constructive mass movement?  There isn't one "box" or type of action, and another type, and another type that don't have any impact on one another.  You know that successful social movements are highly complicated phenomena--they don't arise in accordance with any one formula and in any case not all of the people who help make them successful, thank goodness, are going to follow someone else's one-size-fits-all formula for how to make positive change. 


    Neoliberalism is still with us; but it is rapidly losing intellectual respectability and the prospect of its fall is in sight.   Here's one more crumbling brick knocked from the neoliberal wall.  A former stalwart repents:

    http://blogs.berkeley.edu/2011/02/24/what-have-we-unlearned-from-our-gre...

    Unfortunately, the change probably won't happen fast enough to prevent the Republican House or Representatives, the nation's Republican governors and the confused, drifting White House from driving us into a double dip; but the change will come nevertheless.

    Here are just a couple of more signs of how the real economy is responding to a world in which austerity-mongering moves from demagogic blather to actual policy.

    http://mikenormaneconomics.blogspot.com/2011/02/stock-selloff-starting-t...

    http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/23/usa-budget-goldman-idUSN231810...

     


    I'm a big fan of Delong, but even at his worst rubinsque worst I have a hard time associating his liberal politics with neoliberalism, but if he wants to claim it then who am I to argue (this being a man who regularly writes about the evils of republicans).

    As to those stock sell offs-so what?  This does not in anyway represent a shift from neo-liberalism, just some honest economic analysis.  Do you seriously think Goldman Sacks is going to support higher taxes on the rich? to support a larger domestic government.  Ha. Keep dreaming.  Every state save maybe Nebraska is broke and taxes are completely off the table.  It's not the white house that is confused, its everybody, you included. 

    The only serious movement that might confront neoliberalism is the Chinese version of state capitalism, and that rubicon has yet to be crossed.  All we have are some walking dead public service unions, the whining French, a couple of nordic countries (who are also cutting back).   Sorry Neo-liberalism is winning pretty much everywhere. Quit deluding yourself. 

    Oh I guess there are Islamic fundamentalists too. they also hate neoliberalism.   


    "Do you seriously think Goldman Sacks is going to support higher taxes on the rich? to support a larger domestic government."

    Of course not.  But what does that have to do with anything?  When neoliberalism is ousted as the dominant US economic ideology then Goldman Sachs's behavior and political influence will be more restrained by  political forces.  But I assume Goldman Sachs itself will go right on pushing for unregulated finace and freedom for investment bankers to make Himalayan mountains of money.

    I'm old enough to remember the pre-Thatcher and pre-Reagan days before neoliberalism took over the American mind.  And ideologies wax and wane, often more rapidly than people realize, so it's pretty easy to imagine the wheel of political fortune and popularity turning again and depositing neoliberalism at the bottom.

    When I was 20, I thought Russia would be Leninist throughout my lifetime.  It was true right up until the day it wasn't.

    And the point about the stock sell-offs and the poor economic projections published by Goldman is that now that tea party buffoonery and economic illiteracy has moved from being just some cable TV and talk radio infotainment cult to being an actual governing force, the real world has awakened and is beginning to let everyone know that government-hacking austerity in a sluugish economy, running way below capacity with 9% unemployment, is sheer quackey.  It's like the medieval fondness for bleeding as a medical treatment.   The bad reports out of the UK and Germany this week are further underlining that point.

    Sometimes ideologies fail because they fail the test of real-world trial by fire.  Neoliberalism has had a charmed life so far, and bounced back a few times after failure.  But eventually people will get it.


    I just asked for evidence, instead you supply lazy confident assurances ('trust me kid, i've been around').  

    In  our economic system neoliberalists are rewarded, and they promote more neoliberalist policies, its a positive feedback loop.  The Soviet system (which ceased being Leninist at Stalin) was not in sinc with the economic reality so it was only a matter of time before it failed. This is not the case with our system. Our 'great neoliberalist conspiracy' is comprised of the majority of business leaders. Neoliberalism is the ideology they expouse, it is the gospel they are taught at business schools throughout the country. Unlike the Soviets though they are the system.  Why will it be tossed out? Why? What movements will cause it? Where are they? If not movements-what? 

    Britain is exactly right. That is our future.  Have you paid attention to Britain's contemporary history? 1940-2010, a sad history of getting poorer and poorer with a brief bump from finance that conicided with 'new labour'.  The country's system is enthralled to neoliberalist ideas, just like we are. Don't forget, ,medicinal bleeding lasted thousands of years, and it makes comebacks.  

    Of course I hope that you are right, and I am wrong.  But you only have hope to offer, nothing backs up your assertions so know off the bs 'wise man' of the mountain routine.  State your hopes clearly as such, don't confuse them with truth.  Or get some evidence.   


    Neoliberalism is the ideology they expouse, it is the gospel they are taught at business schools throughout the country. Unlike the Soviets though they are the system.  Why will it be tossed out? Why? What movements will cause it? Where are they? If not movements-what?

    Well, for one thing, it's pretty obvious that there are major seismic shifts ocurring in the economics profession.  This isn't just a hope, its something I read about and see evidence of every day.   DeLong's piece is just the tip of the iceberg.  It's the same story everywhere you look.   The question du jour is "Why did economics fail?"   Everything I read indicates that economists are responding to the profound shock of manifest failure by innovating and moving toward theories that will have policy implications, mostly in the direction of policies we usually think of as progressive: regulation of financial services, full employment programs, income leveling programs, etc.  The next generation of academically trained economists is going to have very different ideas than the generation churned out during the last 30 years.  The faith in the capacity of private sector finance and commerce to self-regulate and generate employment and rising incomes has been deeply shaken.   Here's one especially well-funded example of what is going on:

    http://ineteconomics.org/

    And ideas matter.  As Keynes said, "practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist."  The neoliberalism of the Reagan-Clinton era is the product of the ideas that were in the heads of people like Rubin, Summers and Greenspan, and the appeal these ideas had to the government officials who were enamored of these officials.  Regrettably, Obama still seems to be part of that generation.   But unlike during the Clinton administration, few people seem to think these characters are geniuses any more.  The Chicago school is in retreat and on the defensive.   Wall Street still has political power due to its money and its connections in media and government; but its ideas and personalities are now almost universally loathed - including on much of the right.

    We also just saw actual revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt that successfully threw out governments that were long-lasting and appeared stable.   A key factor driving the revolts is the global rise in food prices and crushing levels of unemployment.   These revolts are spreading.   This isn't just hope; it's something that is happening right before our eyes.   Political pressure is going to continue to build as economic streeses and radical inequality lead to mounting frustrations.

    Even in China, the future is not clear.   The Chinese have just started increasing reserve requirements on banks to cool down the ecnomy and tamp down inflation.   India is beginning to face the same phenomenon.   It is possible that the Chinese and Indians will soon find it difficult to sustain the very high growth rates that have lead to rapidly rising expectations among its people.  That will especially be the case if US sliggishness persists, given how much these countries have relied on exporting goods and services to the US for their massive growth rates.

    My interpretation of contemporary history is that we are in an early Hooverite chapter of a profound and extended story of economic dissatisfaction and underperformance, and in this early chapter we are getting the predictable government-assisted wagon circling by the wealthy and creditors.  The initial knee jerk response among many western publics has been, "This crisis was caused by excessive debt and speculation; so we all need to practice austerity and tighten our belts - even our governments need to do this."   And this result has been promoted by the creditor class who are desperate to minimize their losses on bad investments and equally desperate to stave off moves toward income redistribution, debt-relief, nationalition, etc.   But this is bad policy for most of us, and the effects of that bad policy will make themselves ever more apparent to ordinary people.

    Anyway, I think it is mostly unproductive to enage in debates on, "Are we empirically justified in hoping for better, or should we just mope and suck on despair and frustration?"  The things I am reading and observing suggest to me major changes are underway, and so I want to contribute to keeping the ball rolling in a progressive direction.   If you prefer doom and gloom, be my guest.


    "Are we empirically justified in hoping for better, or should we just mope and suck on despair and frustration"

    Clear thinking based on evidence is not moping. So I don't appreciate your characterization.  I am shocked that you a former professor who has been so cutting in your trenchant criticisms in the past would call the serach for empircal justification 'unproductive'. 

    I simply asked for evidence. I am not sitting around moping or despairing but I am also not pretending that the country, or the world gets it.  I am trying to understand why neoliberalism is clearly dominating.  And frankly I apreciate your honesty in finally conceeding this (knee jerk response among western publics...). 

    I don't yet see these 'seismic shifts' in economics that you refer to (and I am now in a position where I should, as a part of my own not sitting around and moping thing), instead I see a consensus forming that incentives in finance were to blame, some regulation will be needed.  However overall just some tweaks to the neoliberal model.  In the meantime governments across the country are rapidly shedding jobs and services. 

    That said there are some positive developments in 'ideas' out there, so lets be cautiously hopeful. However they were there before the crisis too (e.g. your institute link was founded by Soros, who has been arguing this for 2 decades plus). Academia has always been anti-neoliberalist, but the business schools and the corporate boardrooms are very different.  I just don't yet see the outright rejection of the chicago school which you do.  

    I am also not as sanguine on the middle east uprisings as you are. You are correct that Food prices and lack of economic opportunity are at heart but how will that translate into anti-neoliberalism?  I don't see the connection.  I hate to be cliche but 1848 is hopefully right, but it might even be 1725.  In Egypt, the powerhouse, who knows what way the military will decide to do, but I am willing to bet a substantial amount of money that whoever takes over will ultimately privatize. What other path to higher economic growth do they have? Our corporations/wto/imf/world bank will ensure this. No? 

    You can put me down as 'mope and suck on despair', but I am just trying to face reality as it is.  This doesn't mean that Obama is doomed to lose (who you have little use for but I am stuck with and will support), or that some progressive movement might happen in 2012. But the trend in the last 30 years is pretty clearly the opposite direction, that shows little sign of abating.  Why? 


    I am willing to bet a substantial amount of money that whoever takes over (in Egypt) will ultimately privatize. What other path to higher economic growth do they have? Our corporations/wto/imf/world bank will ensure this. No?

    No. IMF-imposed privatization has already gone on for years, and poverty in Egypt has soared. Yes, the GDP went up, but all benefits went to those plugged into the regime. (See the links stardust provides near the end of this thread.) This revolution was as much a rejection of neoliberalism as it was a rebellion against the Mubarak family's rapaciousness. Even if the generals do hang on to behind-the-scenes power, they can't avoid realizing the economic plight of the average citizen has to improve, and fast. The multinationals can back off, or face a really radicalized Egypt. Their call.


    Meaty post and comment, Dreamer and Dan. I especially like the notion that progressives should be happy if their policies win general acceptance, even if they get no credit from voters who consider themselves moderate or conservative. Yes, they should.

    I don't want in any way to reignite the Label Wars that so recently laid waste this fair realm (dear God, no!) but both of you seem to start from a conviction that "progressives" are ivory-tower elitists, smug and condescending, incapable of speaking to the man in the street and unwilling to get their hands dirty in the day-to-day political grind. That's a well-honed Republican mantra, but why are Democrats buying into it?

    I'm viewing this from afar, so please forgive me if I have trouble putting names and faces to these progressives you describe. I can only imagine you mean the people who hang out and blog at Kos and FDL, because in the real world of politics, once I get past Kucinich and Sanders, maybe Franken, I start to draw a blank (I'm sure there are a few reps I should know about). So it's not like there's a constant drone of progressive views; these voices go almost unheard.

    In which case, isn't it a good thing that there are a few virtual fireplaces progressives can gather around for warmth and, yes, reinforcement? I've never assumed all they do is sit around and bitch. They sit around, bitch, and then they go out and do whatever they are motivated to do -- union work, community organizing, nuts-and-bolts political activism. And they hold the feet of elected representatives to the fire -- an essential part of the democratic process.

    The left-wing blogosphere is so minuscule, compared with corporate-controlled big media, that I think they have their priorities straight: try to be the nagging conscience of those political animals who claim to be on the side of the people. Convince them of correct policies first, and let them take up their responsibility of selling those ideas to the electorate. Telling the lefty blogs to convince a majority of voters for us and then maybe we'll put your proposals into legislation is a cheap cop-out.

    Anyway, it's a lie. Polls showed the support was there for a public option in health care. The campaign donations voted otherwise. So don't dump on the progressives for not being persuasive enough, if you're going to ignore public opinion anyway.


    Nearly forgot: If like me you were puzzled by Dreamer's reference, "You strike me as very much of that orientation," in paragraph 11, it's because (I finally figured out) this post was originally intended as a reply to an artappraiser comment on Dan K's post below, "Optimistic about change." If you stitch the two posts together, your reading pleasure will double. Of course, the time invested will also double, so it's your call. 


    Thank you.  Yes, my bad.  I should have put that in my original post, even though it would have lengthened it even more.  Here is the comment by artappraiser in DanK's "Optimistic About Change" thread to which I began responding, and instead posted at the post above: 

    the Democrats and the liberals analyze it to death

    But but but it seems to me the blogs DanK recommended are all very much analysis. Looking at his list above, seems like less outrage and emoting, more analysis of policy and alternate policy suggestions are what makes DanK optimistic.

    While I'm only vaguely familiar with the other sites, only a very occasional visitor, I've been reading Yglesias regularly for a long time, and I don't believe I've ever seen him do outrage or a "call to action" and most of the others on DanK's list seem to be very similar. One thing Yglesias certainly does not have is what Beetlejuice above calls "the fire and the rage that's been missing from the debate. " (Makes me laugh to even think of Yglesias being described that way. He may indeed have some kind of fire in his brain to be as productive as he is, but rage doesn't seem to be part of his makeup. And "fight" doesn't appear to be in his vocabulary.)

    It's true that doesn't ever imply being hopelessly screwed either, he obviously thinks talking  rationally and without anger about different policy ideas is a good thing to do. I don't know if anyone knows if he thinks he can change the world doing that. I like to presume he thinks knowledge is power. I do see commenters to his left bash him for that often enough, as if it is both elitist and naive ivory tower type thinking, and that outrage and anger and calls to action are what we need and the calm thoughtful Yglesias' of the world,  analyzing all sides of an issue and making suggestions, are the problem.


    I'd like to elaborate that I wasn't personally advocating there on topic. I was just pointing out that there seemed to be a big disconnect going on with what Dan said on his thread and what commenters on it were thinking he said. And what some of them were thinking he said he wasn't saying at all. I was seeing "we're all in agreement" and I'm thinking: say what?! no you're not! Just in the interests of actual communication. I'm glad you decided to get people to clarify and think about it more deeply in this separate thread.


    Yes, I'm not a big fan of "rage".   But a certain amount of righteous anger is justified and useful.


    The left-wing blogosphere is so minuscule, compared with corporate-controlled big media, that I think they have their priorities straight: try to be the nagging conscience of those political animals who claim to be on the side of the people. Convince them of correct policies first, and let them take up their responsibility of selling those ideas to the electorate. Telling the lefty blogs to convince a majority of voters for us and then maybe we'll put your proposals into legislation is a cheap cop-out.

    In the case of FDR he was willing to push envelopes further than Obama has so far, wisely using the approach and argument in favor of bold, persistent experimentation rather than any particular philosophy or ideology or pre-engineered program.  And he acted consistently with what he said, doing away with programs as well as trying new ones.  At the same time, he would tell activists asking him to do things he didn't think he could do to make him do it.  

    Just as I think it is a cop-out for the pols to tell us plain folk to do all the work to change public opinion, I think it's both unrealistic and dependency and passivity-inducing for us plain folk to think all the responsibility for moving public opinion rests on elected officials.  For representative government to work, it's probably necessary for many more citizens to be engaged and actually engage in meaningful, substantive arguments with one another over public affairs.  I don't know that there is any way around the eventually (later if not sooner) devastating consequences of a mostly passive, poorly informed and disengaged citizenry.


    Given a "passive, poorly informed and disengaged citizenry," elected officials have even more responsibility (and opportunity) to lead. And I don't mean that in the Democratic Leadership Council sense of: take the precise temperature of current public opinion, and put forward only those policies you've predetermined voters will buy into. The exact opposite of leadership. By letting the other side control the terms of the debate, that's simply accepting a constant drift to the right. 

    We should all thank the Republicans for Wisconsin. By overreaching, they are creating what you correctly say we need: engaged (and enraged) citizens. And the attack is so blatant, so in-your-face, that it's waking up somnolent Democrats nationwide. About time. 


    both of you seem to start from a conviction that "progressives" are ivory-tower elitists, smug and condescending, incapable of speaking to the man in the street and unwilling to get their hands dirty in the day-to-day political grind. That's a well-honed Republican mantra, but why are Democrats buying into it?

    I don't speak for DanK but I surely don't agree with that. 

    I don't see condescension as limited to people of any particular political persuasion.  I see it as, in part, an aspect of class snobbery.  I'm not making any assertion about just how prevalent that kind of mindset is, because I don't know. 

    I know I have come across it, including here at dag and in the blogosphere.  And it is true that the GOP has aggressively promoted the stereotype of liberal condescension for decades now.  They may not have been able to make any traction with that if it did not coincide with the experiences of at least some of the people they are making that appeal to.  (Or is it more the resentments and imagined experiences of people they're appealing to?  Arguing against myself, there is: the greater the lie the more people will believe it.  And remember all those snot-nosed, spoiled young war protesters who spat upon returning Vietnam vets on their return?  Well, there weren't any.  None documented, anyway.  It was a highly convenient lie.)  

    Thus I circle back to urging fellow denizens: don't yell at people who disagree with you and call them clueless or stupid or cowardly.  It's inadvisable if you're trying to persuade anyone (or, heaven forbid, actually learn something yourself from a useful conversation).  And it just plays into that stereotype of the arrogant, condescending progressive.     


    I apologize for putting words in your mouth (or in politico-weasel-speak, I regret if anyone was offended by the words they are under the impression I was putting in their mouths). You're right, there are condescending snobs of all political stripes. It just bugs me that "progressives" get singled out so often for that accusation, even if some really deserve it.


    Couple of thoughts for now, more soon in re to your and others' comments...

    Progressive ideas can and will win in the end.  But when they win, progressives might not get the credit for them.

    Oh, I think that is very true.  I was prompted to write this post, in part, when, browsing a bookstore instead of knocking on doors, I came across John Nichols' new The 'S' Word.  I usually don't point out, when talking to people about unions, that a significant number of the activists in the 30's and 40's who did the most to help create them were self-identified Communists.  It usually doesn't help.  Reality is messy.  It doesn't always fit with the subsequently reconstructed script about how it must have gone down at the time.  In fact, in the myth-making and inherent simplification processes that follow, one finds out that usually it was  very different from the version embodied in the after-the-fact myth.  Which for me is one thing that makes history so fascinating.  But I digress.

    But I haven't found it necessary to "frame", spin and soft-sell my arguments.  My experience is that conservatives have more respect for someone who is willing to sock them in the mouth with a straightforward argument that isn't filled with a lot of euphemism and double-talk.

    Well, the word "frame" is probably over-used these days.  I use it sometimes myself.  Here's what I mean in this context: it's probably going to be a more promising point to make when talking to a self-identified conservative to point out that the need for counter-balancing institutions, including but hardly limited to unions, can be thought of as a conservative idea, very much consistent with the concern the Founders had about checks and balances in an intra-government context.  That's an abstract line of discussion, although I think one that most people, if they don't immediately grasp it, can understand readily with an example from their workplace or other experiences. 

    I am one of those who is utterly put off, not to mention bored, by most mass media outreach "framings" of issues.  I find it hard to imagine why anyone who pays any attention whatsoever not just to public affairs but to what is going on in the world around them could find them otherwise.  The research that's been done suggests that some of these appeals are highly effective, especially ones based on, frankly, scaring people about "the other side".  There is plenty of research to back up the organizers' street knowledge that people will do more to avoid a bad consequence than seek a good one.  Some of us might lament that, or more precisely its consequences.  But the reality is that there are elections, their are votes, and there aren't enough individuals to reach more than a tiny sliver of our fellow citizens with well-thought out arguments.  If we had a different citizenry, one much more prevalently knowledgeable about and engaged in public affairs, maybe we wouldn't see so much of that.  We go into battle with the citizenry we have.

    I've done my share of phone calls and door-to-door outreach.  They always give you a script to work off of.  With what for the caller are blind phone calls a short one might be necessary.  You don't have the benefit of any body language to be able to know, 3 seconds in, whether what you're saying is registering any impact on the person you're talking to.  So you can't adjust.  Some people may prefer calls to door-knocking in part for that very reason--the type of rejection one can experience has fewer sensory dimensions to it.  With door knocking, you can read the body language and go off the script very quickly if you see the person losing interest.  I've certainly been led to question how effective script-based approaches when used by individuals to individuals.  I don't know that I've seen research on that.


    "...the need for counter-balancing institutions..."  In my very rusty memory of Econ 101 it seems that John Kenneth Galbraith talked about "countervailing forces".  I think he believed it to be almost an organic process, i.e. as one side gained in power, a countervailing force would naturally arise to restore balance.  But in the constant battle between labor and capital it seems that we've arrived at a "David and Goliath" faceoff.  I'd like to believe that it only takes one accurately slung stone, but it sure feels like we've got a lot of "countervailing" to do.

    Thank you, AD (and DanK) for such thoughtful posts and comments.


    Yes.  I referred to Galbraith recently on that.  I guess that, while at the levels of reality physics deals with, one might say there is a certain automaticity about the "equal and opposite reaction" that is generated, that is not necessarily so in the realm of social reality, where human agency and choices are such a critical and pesky factor. 

    The late historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. wrote about his cycles of history theory awhile back.  I remember reading that and wondering if that somehow meant I didn't have to break myself away from the books more often and actually do anything else besides that--that other people would mobilize and agitate and take action regardless of whether I did or not?  This was after, and before, I had done some of the kinds of things that are associated with "what activists do"--working on political campaigns, going door to door, contributing money and action in support of particular causes or organizations whose efforts seemed worthy to me, etc.  Does writing at a blog site count as something useful, BTW? 

    I can only say that, having observed that the theorized progressive resurgence Schlesinger, Jr. thought we were due for awhile back not materialize, I was awhile back left to conclude that if I want to see changes I probably need to continue to do more beyond the reading and writing here that I enjoy so much.   

    I want to make it clear I am not saying that I see the choices as between (asocial) thinking vs. (social) activism.  I don't think that at all.  DanK isn't just reading and thinking and writing--he's talking to actual conservatives and others who don't already agree with him, as his comments made clear.  So once again it isn't a simple dichotomy of either/or.  There are many ways to contribute, many things that need to be done.  We are each better at some kinds of activities than others, and we each have preferences as to what we enjoy doing.  Generally speaking most of us are probably better at that which we enjoy doing.

    The kinds of one-on-one outreach DanK apparently prefers to do can and do, especially when many others are also doing that, affect the zeitgeist in a society.  That can certainly affect, in often indirect ways, perceptions among the decisionmakers about what may be doable in any short-term, versus what isn't.  I'd like to think--I hope--that Wisconsin and the rallies going on all around the country could have some effect in that regard.  Particularly if these efforts are built upon and have some sort of tipping point effect on the consciousness of many people who have become aware of these events but have not been especially politically conscious or self- or other-mobilized of late. 

    Oh, and I agree with DanK that there is plenty of smug self-satisfaction and shabby thinking in the left of center blogosphere, in lieu of much apparent thought or actual argument, about the obvious rightness of "the cause".  Thoughtful dissenters at this and other sites are extremely valuable.  They can sharpen and improve thinking and change minds.  Far from being told they don't get it or they are cowardly, and shushed, they should be listened to and learned from.        


    Galbraith's idea of counter-vailing forces is good to recall at this moment. There are indications the man lost confidence in the "organic process" element after years of watching capital outmaneuver collective action of all kinds. But even at its most optimistic, the physics of Galbraith's idea did not guarantee that balance would occur by itself. 

    The central point is that deals are matters of scale. Deals where the market is shared by very few people but whose unfolding consequence shapes the lives of a great number of others are only possible because  the leverage work can always work the other way. The sheer disproportion between individuals and organized capital creates a dependency on compliance.

    Patti Smith is correct. The people have the power.


    But that doesn't mean the people will use that power any better than the not-people.


    Yes, that is what I hope I said.


    Hope springs eternal ;)


    Well I just lost a rather lengthy response.  So rather than try to recreate it, let me off a summarized version.  First, I think you have provided an excellent blog with some well said thoughts.  But as is my nature (whatever that means), I wanted to comment first on the thing that jumped out at me as needing some further elaboration: specifically, your comment about not framing the issues.

    Although you further elaborated what you meant by term "frame," which I would say is speaking about explicit political frames around the issue, I think it is important to understanding the dynamics of power to understand that whenever we speak or write about any issue, whether political, economic, or the weather, we are not only framing that issue, we are simultaneously reinforcing and underming the frames through which those who engage what we are saying come to "understand" what it is we are saying.  In other words, we are reinforcing certain truths and realities about the way the world is and operates.  And it is these truths and realities which make up the larger narratives that you mention earlier in your blog.

    Power, it can be said, is the ability to create and sustain these realities and truth, to create the "things" that one names.  It is impossible for us to live our lives examining every construct we employ in perceiving and interacting with the world in every moment.  Yet there are times when we need to step back and examine them, and to understand just what we reinforcing when we reiterate whatever it is we reiterate.

    In your conversations with conservative folks, regardless of how much you attempt to strip away the explicit political spin and frames, you, just as I, cannot help but reinforce (and undermine) fundamental truths and realities.  To keep it simple, one such "truth" is that the accumulation of personal wealth is a good thing, and, consequently, anything which interferes with that is a bad thing.  One may make the case one has to spend money to make money, or one has to give up a little now to make more in the future, but in both cases there frame is not about personal sacrifice for the greater good. 

    If one holds such a truth about personal wealth, then one will have a negative view of taxes (even while simultaneously viewing taxes as a good thing because it pays for the fire department and good roads and bridges), which then inevitably becomes part of the frame through which one views public employees who are paid by those taxes. 

    Again trying to keep this comment short and concise (and not doing a great job at that), and thus oversimplified, progressives (just like everyone else) inevitably reinforce the very narratives utilized by the those interests the progressives would claim are in opposition to their policy goals - which is the basis of their power.  Their power derives from the ability to sustain the legitimacy (the truth) of their narratives and the truths and realities that support those narratives.  Of course, the same dynamic opens the opportunities to undermine the narratives by undermining those truths and realities.  But if we are not to just cross our fingers and hope for some undermining to occur organically, we need to be more aware of just how support them as we try to struggle against them. 


    To help me understand, an implication of that might be what?  Say, in conversing with someone who self-identifies as a conservative. 


    Let's say you believe that there should be at least a public option in regards to HCR.  A fundamental notion that underlies that belief is that there are certain economic sectors which should not be profit-driven.  This may be because one also believes access to good health care is a right and not a privilege.  Yet the belief require one believes there are certain sectors government should be involved in rather than the private sector.  When it comes to national defense, there is general agreement on this matter.  When it comes to providing health care, there is far less agreement.  One of the reasons there are those opposed to the government being involved is because they believe in "small government," and one of the reasons they believe in this is because they don't want to be heavily taxed (if at all).  Anytime one reinforces that making money is a good thing, one is reinforcing this notion that taxes that take away from one's accumulation of wealth is a bad thing. 

    So while you may be scoring points in getting the person to agree in the 20-1 ratio (because it makes good business sense), but in doing so you have also reinforced their opposition to the public option. 

    The environmentalist Hazel Wolf made the point that if you want to get through to an economist (for instance convincing them it is important to save this or that watershed), you need to speak to them like an economist.  Which is true.  But in doing so, you are affirming their frames of references which are in part part of the problem (seeing trees simply as commodities, etc).  Which sort goes back to the tweaking of an old adage: if you're not part of the problem, you're not part of the solution.  In other words, we have to become them, in essence, in order to change them.

    In a much more broad sense, in order to get through to a conservative, you have to at the very least, present your ideas in a way that affirms the conservative view of the world.  The same goes for talking with a progressive or anyone else.  And since we tend to mesh our beliefs into some murky whole, any perceived attack on one belief is an attack on all the others.  This is why the conservative think tank strategy of explicitly merging religious beliefs with political beliefs in the rhetoric was so genius, since for so many it meant to go after my guns in legislation was to go after my god, too.   


    Well here's a good argument for single payer that I think can work with some conservatives:  The system of employer administered health care imposes a lot of expensive and time consuming red tape, negiotiating hassles, accounting headaches and bureaucratic drudgery on human resource departments and small business owners.  Most business are not in the health care business themselves, and it is absurd that they should be the vital node in administering and delivering such a complex national system.  Acme Snowmobiles and Lawnmowers shouldn't be in the business of administering health care any more than they should be delivering nosegays to prom queens.

    So cut the Gordian knot, hand the whole thing over to the public sector, get employers out of the health care system, and free up America's businesses to spend all their time making widgets or airplanes or any of the other stuff they are actually good at.

    Now at this point they will proably grab at, "Every individual should be resposible for his or her own health care, and should buy it on the free market."

    But at that point, you can often convince said conservative that he will personally be worse off, or at much higher risk, under such a system of pure individual reponsibility - especially if the conservative you are talking to is overweight, or a smoker, or has high blood pressure.

    Now some of you interlocutors might retreatat this point to "Well, it will be my own damn fault if my smoking kills me!  I don't want your damn socialist doctors and your low-cost medicine and your shared responsibility!   Just let me fucking die, but don't tread on me!"   At that point , move onto the next conservative.  It's no biggie.  We don't have to convince them all.   We just have to convince a certain portion of the reasonable non-fanatics.  Leave the determinedly obtuse 30% to stew in their bogus rugged individualism.

    But most conservatives understand their wallets.  Appeal to that aspect of their anatomy.

    By the way, I personally do not think access to health care is a "right".  I don't even think I uderstand what that means.


    I guess to sum up my point: to appeal to a conservative (or anyone else) by focusing on their wallet, while it may be effective, affirms the point of view that one should make socio-political decision based on one's wallet. 

    And regarding the last paragraph: to say that health care is right, is to say that one should have access basic health services (the definition of that is up to debate) regardless of one's capacity to "pay" for such services.  In other words, if I am homeless and have no cash, there is a certain level of service in regards to my health (physical, emotional, and pyschological) which I should have without question or barrier.


    I guess to sum up my point: to appeal to a conservative (or anyone else) by focusing on their wallet, while it may be effective, affirms the point of view that one should make socio-political decision based on one's wallet. 

    I don't see how that follows.  To my way of thinking that is showing respect to another person by "meeting them where they are", responding to them in terms of what is important to them, not necessarily me.  It isn't to say that is the only or "most important" (in whatever abstract sense) argument, or the one most persuasive to me--it is the one that is most relevant to them, however.


    This has nothing to do with what you (as the hopeful persuader) believes or doesn't believe.  What we are discussing here is the mindset/paradigm of the individual with whom one is interacting.  If  you express yourself in a way that affirms (to simply things) the wallet perspective in order to meet them where they are, ie is relevant to them, then you are, in effect affirming that perspective. They will walk away from conversation maybe changed on a particular policy, and this may have positive effects on future progressive legislation, but at the same time they will be further strengthened in their "wallet" approach to socio-economic issues.  I believe this is why incrementalism (for lack of better phrase) is the only realistic approach, because in order to get people to move forward in a different direction you have to first approach them in terms of their direction which you and I believe is not the correct direction. 


    But I do agree with the argument DanK made re single payer.  It's one of many good arguments as to why I think it is a better way to go.  To be effective I need to find one that will appeal to the person I'm talking to.  Effectiveness in that context doesn't depend on what I find persuasive--it depends on what that person finds persuasive. Or am I not understanding you correctly?


    "... affirms the point of view that one should make socio-political decision based on one's wallet."

    I don't think that is a bad way to make socio-political decisons, so I have no problem affirming that point of view.

    And I don't think we should make the mistake of labeling that point of view "conservative".  It seems to me that our leftist forbears of earlier generations weren't nearly as fussy as a lot of contemporary liberals have become about speaking plainly about the more material and obviously economical dimensions of life.  They didn't think they were above money and goods and exchange.   They were fairly clear-eyed and blunt about the fact that they were demanding a better deal for themselves - a more advantageous contract with the owners of capital. 

    Most socio-political decisons are decisons about the ways and means of producing and distributing things of value.  The majority of the decisions our legislators make are decisions about who is and who is not going to get a check or a tax bill from the government, and how big these checks and bills are going to be; or about which legal rules will or will not govern the processes of production and exchanges in the marketplace.

    Health care is a collection of goods and services produced by the ingenuity and labor of human beings, applied to the resources they already possess.  Without that ingenuity and labor most of it wouldn't even exist.  So while I can sort of understand what it means to say we have a pre-existing moral right to equal shares of whatever health care goods happen to be available in our society, I don't really know what it means to say we have a pre-existing right to health care per se.

    Most of the products of human labor we enjoy are highly finite and don't grow on trees, so the big question is how we are going to divide them up as they are produced.


    Basically there is nothing with you have written with which I disagree.  But if you say that a "worker" has a legitimate stance to decide what is in their financial best interest, you also have to the same right to the "management" individual.  Which in the end reinforces the basic notions which create the foundation of capitalism.

    But let's take a step back for a moment to a simplier romanticized time out in the west.  Little Joe has taken a bullet in shoot out, and is laying in the saloon in serious pain.  Pa runs to Doc's place and tells him about Little Joe.  Is the first thing that Doc does is ask Pa whether he can pay him (thinking with his wallet, so to say) or is it that he grabs his medical bag and rush to the saloon to ensure to the best of his ability that Little Joe sees the next sunrise?

    The difference between the collective consciousness of those in the US and those in Europe, in my humble opinion, is that the experiences of WWI and WWII revealed to the people of Europe that ultimatlely we are at the mercy of others, that our ability to live at level of what we consider dignified can so easily be swept away.  We are not commodities.  Our communities are not, in the end, defined by exchanges of commodities.  Whatever products we produce, in the end, are ultimately meaningless when we are faced with the devastation that human aggression can create.  So to sacrifice for the greater good without any direct personal benefit is worthwhile if not for me, then for my children's children's children and their friends.


    When arguing about government run programs and the force of collective decisions,  my work life within the ethos of corporate supervision causes me to say::

    The whole point of regulation is that the system is designed for free agents not to be bound by the public weal. If you can do your thing within these constraints, it is not our problem. 

    But this "freedom" is only possible because of the supervision that prevented the market from following its own path and doing awful things that make the whole juggernaut come down like a lead kite. So, if an alternative method is to be employed, does that mean the supervision part just magically disappears? What in your experience suggests that is even possible?

    It is either/or. Either a system of regulation will stop private commerce from destroying our commons or a government agency will produce that item from now on because private parties have amply demonstrated their failure to work within certain constraints. Why should any rational person believe it possible to avoid the choice? What does this other world look like?

     


    just to be clear, i was using the royal you, not the "dk" you in that promulgation.


    I agree with you about the need for a supervisory or regulatory function.   But a lot of conservatives operate with different mental models.   A lot of conservatives seem to think that capitalist economies natural produce a kind of efficient ecological homeostasis, that are only screwed up by government meddling.  Some, on the other hand, are Social Darwinists, who are fully aware that capitalism produces booms and busts, in which the pain and dislocation are widespread.  But they just don't think that's such a big deal, since they are drawn to an ethos of brutal struggle, titanic creative destruction and savage competitiveness, and think society advances through the culling and cleaning of inferior and weak human beings, whose inferiority is exposed by their failure to thrive in tough times.  And some leaders of finance are compulsive gamblers and risk-seekers, who seek and thrive on chaos.

    The left generally values equality over the struggle for domination; patient and deliberate deveopment over cataclysmic creative destruction, and security and stability over chaos.   They tend to belive that unregualted commerce and capitalist finance do not tend toward stability and balance naturally, but tend toward imbalnace and chaos, and so our desire for balance, security and stability must be promoted through strenuous efforts to tame via law and intentional organization what would otherwise be a very wild economic beast.


    Yes.

    If the free market is so self sufficient, why does it constantly have to be boarded up like a trailer home standing in the path of a hurricane?

    In regards to arguments with conservatives, it is simple enough to ask what is self-evident: How do things actually happen? Political rhetoric is about who carries the burden of proof. We need to shift the load.


    .


    Frankly, I think this one crushed Dan K's ill-considered position. 

    Full stop. ;-)


    Well, for the record, points of view DanK's comment and my post share, I believe are: against passivity, against futility or promoting it, against confining one's interactions to people already in one's circles or who already agree, and in favor of what kinds of arguments actually work to move people.  Also, I don't think either of us is taking an either/or position, that only one type of activity can be valuable and important.  I know I am not saying that. 

    Dan is writing, in effect, about what individuals do that changes a society's zeitgeist, translated sometimes as "spirit of the age".  I am saying I think that is extremely important--and that I believe there are major limits to what that approach can accomplish absent, in addition to that, organized political power in support of better policies. 

    I don't see any either/or way of looking at these things as useful.  And I think there is an interactive effect between the zeitgeist and the kind of mass mobilization I was writing about.  Mass mobilization takes place, or doesn't take place, within a particular societal or community context which is very much influenced by the zeitgeist, or, if you prefer, "what people are thinking" or the "mood" of a particular public at a particular time. 

    So one might conclude--as I believe--that the US never would have gotten civil rights and womens' suffrage and unions and what unions have brought about, without mass mobilization and peaceful, insistent agitation. 

    But, in the case of civil rights, the fact that there was mass mobilization sufficient to, in combination with other forces (including educable or even sympathetic elected officials who couldn't have gotten elected without people like that era's tmacs), get that done, was very much made more possible by the zeitgeist.  Shaped as it was by intellectually and spiritually compelling rhetoric by King, notably, but also many others. 

    King spent quite a bit of time reading and studying and thinking and I'm sure arguing with people who thought differently than he did--as I know you, quinn, and others in this thread know.  And all that was part of what enabled him to articulate arguments that resonated, given a great many visible things that were going on at the time, things that were made to happen by ordinary people who decided to take some very visible, peaceful actions that required sacrifices of their time and also some significant risks. 

    King wasn't "just" an intellectual.  He was very much a "doer" as well.  I think any sort of dichotomy between "thinkers" and "doers" is not useful.  Well-integrated human beings are, hopefully, or at least strive towards being, some combination of both, no?  (Ok, sure, you and I surely have met people who appeared to have not very much at all going on upstairs, or, at the other pole, intellectually-oriented people who quite by choice have extremely limited contact with other humans.) 

    Don't give me action without thought, or thought without action.  Neither works.  The first is downright dangerous and has permitted all sorts of historical disasters made possible by mass movements gone awry.  The second is not enough when it comes to bringing about social change in the face of strong organized entrenched interests in opposition.  I think DanK thinks about what he does as not in the least "thought without action", but very much as a valuable form of action.  I agree with him on that.


    "strong organized entrenched interests in opposition. 

    What are your thoughts on this idea?  

    The Tea Party was the group most agitated, the more motivated to get out the vote.

    Did we as Democrats lay back, only pointing out the faults, never looking for the good that could be derived from channeling the anger.  

    We as Democrats were so much more enlightened because our leaders told us so , we insulted the Tea Party, at the behest of the Democratic Party Machine who saw this third party group as a menace to the status quo, a menace to the party machines deeply entrenched interests was being threatened ? 

    Sure the Tea Party has its MANY  faults, but what it did have was motivation, to overthrow the deeply entrenched spoils system. 

    Republicans found out,  the establishment favorites lost because of the anger.

    We as Democratic/Independents trying to throw off our own Establishment favorites could have and should have found common ground; we should have grabbed the reigns to control the direction of the TEA Party. 

    Instead of utilizing the energy of the Tea Party, we didn’t look for common ground. We only knew it was not in the best interest of the Democratic Party Machines interest,  to even consider outsiders.   

    Instead of infiltrating and trying to lead the Tea Party;  who at the time was without leadership, we let the Republicans capture the movement; the anger......The Republicans were allowed to focus the anger of the people towards the Democratic Party. 

    That is now the past, to our chagrin  

    What does the Tea Party have in common with the progressive movement?

    Since we now have to make lemonade out of the lemons we were given. 

    Do the Progressives hate Corporatism? .....Does the Tea party hate Corporatism?  

    Find the common ground, fight the common foe, and when we have accomplished what it is we want, we can all go our separate ways.

    I want an end to the grip, corporate power has over our Democracy. Does the Democratic Establishment want this too?  

    Together Independent/Democrats and Tea Party members can rid our country of the Corporate menace......Together we can get our sovereignty back.

    Do it quickly though;  before we lose this ally;  before the Corporate controlled major parties, break up the alliance.   

    How much time do we have; two years, till the next election and new alliances will be formed?   

    Our country has used pirates in the past to accomplish it’s goals.  Did we say we disagree with your methods so we will not become allies?  

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean_Lafitte

    Lafitte helped General Andrew Jackson defend New Orleans against the British in 1815.


    Well, I'm not sure that taking over the Tea Party was ever an option.  But it clearly was the case that the most visible and vocal and angry populist anger in the country, instead of supporting what the majority party was doing in Washington prior to last November's election, or at least being effectively coopted, was mobilized against the incumbent party.  As a number of us noted, to our dismay, well before November.  And as contrasted with the FDR experience, where the President got himself on the right side of public opinion and saw his party gain, not lose, Congressional seats in his first mid-term.


    In Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, is an interesting tidbit...The Melian Dialogue. Athens's threat to subjugate Melos and the dialogue is quite interesting.

    On the question of what is justice, Athens states justice can only occur when both sides are under equal pressure. In reality, the strong take what they can and the weak give what they must.

    As for neutrality and friendship, Athens states being an enemy to Athens is less dangerous than being a friend. As for hatred, they viewed it as an argument (in their favor) of their power over the Melian's and any sign of friendship would be a weakness on their part.

    Now just change Athens for GOPer's and Democrats for Melians and history is repeating itself. The only way to get the GOPer's to back down would be if the playing field was level...and it's not...it's tilted heavily to their side at the moment so they're calling all the shots they can before someone levels the field.


    Before this one turns into a pumpkin I just wanted to say thanks to all for really thoughtful comments in the thread.  There are a couple of comments I will respond to later today or tonight. I feel fortunate that the dag dashboard enables one so easily to continue to participate in, or revisit old threads by so clearly indicating when there has been a new comment. 


    This is one reason I have come to feel strongly about the union issue. It isn't because I think unions are perfect or always right by any means.  And as I've said I am very much open to institutions other than unions which can perform similar functions in altering the gross imbalances of power we see now.

    One element in the Wisconsin stand-off over collective bargaining that makes it different from the last three decades of labor politics is that you have the two columns of the Reagan revolution colliding into each other in plain view and real time. The anti-union drive undertaken by the Reaganauts in the name of clearing away "special privileges" enjoyed by union members is now being presented as a way for government to create what Hayek would call a false economy. The bill being put forth argues that the government of Wisconsin is unable to negotiate contracts under the same conditions private corporations must operate within.

    Why does this bald appeal for a govenrment entitlement , made by self-identified Libertarians, not cause their heads to explode?


    Why does this bald appeal for a govenrment entitlement , made by self-identified Libertarians, not cause their heads to explode?

    I think you are thinking too federally. Despite the Koch input in this situation (and please, I am not denying in the least that it is part of national conservative push), at lot of Walker support comes from bottom up and is about concerns about local government and how it works or doesn't.

    1) You have to understand Walker's tenure as Milwaukee Country executive

    The pension fund scandal that preceded him in 2002 was very big news statewide and angered a lot of the electorate, and it was also a dream narrative for any enemy of government-employees.

    There was continued talk in the years following about abolishing county government and further streamlining county government. An example:

    Voters should abolish county executive office, supervisor Holloway says, July 17, 2009:

    Milwaukee County Board Chairman Lee Holloway wants voters to abolish the office of county executive, the post held by Scott Walker since 2002. Holloway said the reform was a way to undo the gridlock that many feel has gripped county government.

    The move would lessen political infighting and improve professionalism of county government, Holloway said. Under a resolution he'll present to the County Board on Thursday, the county would seek authority from the state Legislature to make the elected office of county executive optional.

    Holloway said the change he's backing is the most common form of county government, citing a local government group survey.

    The switch would save a significant but unspecified sum of money through shedding of redundant policy aides, according to a County Board analysis. [.....]

    Walker, in a prepared statement, said he backed consideration of more fundamental reform of county government.

    "We shouldn't nibble around the edges," Walker said in the statement. "We should seek out dynamic change that can truly transform this community." Consolidation of some local government "is an idea whose time has come," Walker said.....

    And despite the fact that that didn't happen, my brother in Milwaukee tells me that there is still a lot of talk about downsizing county government or abolishing it all together.

    2) There's the Indiana example to egg them on.

    3) The idea is the government is "entitled" to try to become as small and local as possible and still provide basic needs, not just provide government jobs. Property tax payers are the frequent voters around those parts, not necessarily calling themselves "libertarian," but not at all thinking about federal macroeconomic theory--local spending is what their newspapers report and what they pay attention to. This type of supporter could care less about federal ability to stimulate the economy with government jobs, that's not what they are thinking about, they are thinking they have to pay for these particular government jobs out of  their pockets.

    When I visit Milwaukee, I am always surprised how parochial the news coverage and political concerns are; even their conservative talk radio talks local politics more than national. They are lots of local political blogs, like this "left" one talking about increase of 1% sales tax to take the "burden" off property taxpayers. An aunt in upper Wisconsin, activet in in very small town government for decades, recently told me that from her perspective it has always been dealing with workers that want what that their colleagues in other bigger town neaby just got but that maybe the smaller town just can't afford to pay that, that they often can't get blood from a stone.


    P.S. Likewise, you could also ask why has heavily Democratic New York City elected Repubican mayors (ok, yeah, the current one is a registered Independent now) since 1993? Why don't their heads explode? Perhaps because they exploded previous to that?


    Thank you for laying out the background of Walker's support so concisely.

    I had intended to say more to American Dreamer's statement after mentioning Libertarians and your comment helps me get started again.

    The "right to work" legislation that characterized the Reagan movement also received critical support from the "bottom up."  The feeling that unions excluded large numbers of people from the labor market was shared by many. While the feeling is understandable (I have been in circumstances where I felt it acutely) the logic of the movement is based upon an equal distribution of poverty and exploitation: Everyone has to be as powerless as I am for me to be able to participate in the labor market. The results of that leveling is a good example of how one doesn't have to confess an ideology to advance its dominance. A system is built by simply sayinig: "I paid my dues in the game so everyone else has to pay what I paid." Work environments replicate themselves unless they are willfully restructured. The history of unions reveal the good and bad sides of that fact.

    On the other side of the table, the drive toward privatization motivated governments from the County to the Federal level to favor negotiating contracts with corporations instead of hiring personnel. Gingrich's Contract On America pushed the function of the government executive to become more of a deal broker and less of an employer. This development makes the contracts signed with unions much like deals made with corporations. By moving to control negotiations by exerting a special government power, Walker saws off the branch he was standing upon; Government based on the sanctity of the free market.

    My claim that the moment is a new opportunity is based on seeing the very public bankruptcy of an idea. The contradictions were there from the start. It is a testimony to the power of conservatives that it took an overwhelming budget crisis to reveal their true colors. They can't deal with the freedom they espouse.


    There's something other than what you mention that I thnk I see, its just thoughts but I'll just throw them out there. It's well presented in the blog I link to, he's a long-time Democratic activist and very active in Milwaukee government. About the initiative to increase the sales tax to benefit supposed burdened property tax payers, he says:

    I was one of the people behind the public push for the referendum in 2008, and by a 52%-48% margin, we got it passed in Milwaukee County. However, it was only an "advisory" referendum and despite a lot of public pressure, the State legislature promptly did nothing despite the will of Milwaukee County residents....

    It's like the situation in Washington D.C. right now that Democrats find themselves in. Why they waited till they all got the boot to try to pass massively popular tax cuts for the middle class is beyond me, as I've been harping on for several weeks now...

    See, he is complaining, too, like a lot of conservatives, that local government knows best what to do and the higher up government is just a pain in the butt that doesn't help but hinder. I.E., too much government that doesn't work getting in the way of real grass roots government working. That the local people know what to do and you shouldn't hinder them. To me, this is the argument I often see about the large teachers unions as well, that they just stymie things locals would like to try.

    And classically (Kafka anyone?) doesn't the idea of a large government bureaucacy conflict with grass roots input? Isn't there some conflict for liberals/progressives who both want a large federal government with a lot of regulations and want to see grass roots control or grass roots power? Can you have both? Especially with a two party system, not a parliamentary system? When you almost always have to go to a national or federal level to do something, change isn't going to be easy. Likewise with unions, the bigger, the more  national, the more solidarity, the more powerful, yet anyone that wants to buck something about their status quo has got a long road to hoe.

    I just don't know if I'd call this kind of thinking libertarian, since it's people willing to do governing. It's not being against government, it's wanting more power at a lower level.


    Well said. The desire for local control of what happens shouldn't be written off as a bit part in some larger scene.

    Your question about the conflict between federal power versus.grassroots power calls for more thought and discussion. But is Walker's specific attempt to limit the terms of what can be collectively negotiated really an advance of local power? He is not boycotting the larger market, he is asking for a special price within it.


    Y'all probably know this from David Cay Johnson, but it's a great talking point.

    http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2011/02/out-of-every-dollar-that-funds.html


    Not sure if it's verboten to post links here, but it appears that some local governments really weren't asking for and end to collective bargaining, and aren't comfortable with the realities of not having it.

    http://www.thedailypage.com/daily/article.php?article=32392


    If it's verboten to post links on discussion threads, they would have kicked me out long ago.

    On your ttopic, I know this. There's also been quite a few good polls now showing the majority populace doesn't really want to see it either. That doesn't change my mind about why Walker may have ended up governor of Wisconsin. I imagine him saying to those that feel that way: well, you can't always get what you want but if you try sometime, you get what you need. And even perhaps using the excuse in private to some that he has to get on the train with the national conservatives who helped him get into office in order to execute changes local Wisconsin government might like or need.

    I've been reading the Isthmus recently, too. I like their balance and quality (that they include well argued differing views surprises this long ago Madison student. Things sure have changed in Madison since Paul Soglin days. Wink)


    Yep, Isthmus coverage has been good, and not so many dipsh*ts commenting on the articles, getting me all riled up. Sorry, that was undemocratic of me. I don't know if you've heard, but the Paul Soglin days may be back...


    On Lawrence O'Donnell's MSNBC show just now, Howard Fineman just said that the most recent polls are basically showing that Walker is now specifically losing "Reagan Democrats" in Wisconsin over the hard stance on collective bargaining, they are people that voted for him but don't support this and would not vote for him if the election were held today, and said that it looked so bad that has to be freaking the national GOP out. That syncs with a lot of the kind of Wisconsin voters I know--I am a southwest Milwaukee girl (yeah, a lot of Harnishfieger and Allis Chalmers employment in the family history as well as truck drivers,) sort of ReaganDemocratLand.


    I was looking at the Walker story in the context of this thread and your comment to which I replied, the general attitudes that might result in someone like Walker being elected. Not in the specifics of what he is doing after his election. There's no question recent polls show a decent majority in Wisconsin aren't for his collective bargaining ploy. I would rather note how quickly the protesting unions were to say they would accept his other proposals, and might have been reading some polls themselves. Still, all these details go over a lot of people's heads if they have a vested interest in demonizing one side or another and are passionate about what's been happening to them on a local level.

    If you are interested in what the right's argument is regarding collective bargaining at the state and local level, I'm no expert, but I see some of it reported in the Times today within these articles here and here. In the first link, I found the last paragraphs with input from Mayor Michael Bell of Toledo, Ohio most interesing.

    (BTW, seeing similar last night on my local news station--Bloomberg is fighting with Albany to kick back enough funds for teachers salaries, he says he has to lay off something like 5,000 if he doesn't get it, the reporter implied it might be ploy to get Albany to do it, but then they also interviewed some teachers and they said they are scared, think it's serious, not a ploy, and don't know if they will have a job tomorrow. There is also something going on related to challenging tenure/seniority preferences-- I just heard it in passing and haven't had time to read up.)


    Mr Bloomberg's style strikes a sharp contrast with Mr. Walker's. Bloomberg is doing austerity the old-fashioned way: firing people (or preparing to). Walker wants to change the terms in which employees argue for compensation.

    Like Nancy reminded us, you could always just say no.

    Whatever Walker's motivations or his supporters' may be, having the government restrict the terms of negotiation was never supposed to be necessary in the Reagan Future. Against this measure, Walker is a Socialist, expanding the range of State power.

    Your discussion of Reagan/Democrats downthread makes me wonder if the contradiction galls them.

     


    This thread has moved to places beyond my ken, but I thought some of you might be interested in this piece by 'Abu Atris' : 'A revolution against neoliberalism?' .  He also examines Egypt's version with the American version, says we will find it 'familiar'.

    Last year Jack Shenker said that the numbers were in, on the GAFI report, Egypts investment arm, and that the wealth dispartiy was clearly due to the neoliberal policies Egypt was forced to adopt by the IMF. (and Southern nations, similarly)

    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/nov/08/egypt-imf

     



    Abu Atris's analysis is excellent, stardust. Shenker's not bad either. Thanks.


    Welcome, acanuck; and may I say I understand you far better than any other writing on this thread, which in itself helps me agree more with you.   ;o)

    Haven't read this yet, but I love Mark Levine; it may interest you.

    http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/02/201122518445333563.html


    Thanks for that Stardust, very interesting. 


    Welcome, Sal; love that you and acanuck use a modicum of words, too.  Not 400 when 40 will do nicely.  Cool


    This is a conservative country. Neo liberalism triumphed because it felt right to most of us. And Welfare shrank because it didn't.

    Now the Kochs, Murdochs  and Masters of the Universe are spending lavishly to keep it a conservative country. Not to protect their assets - as if they had  to care- but because they passionately believe that's right.

    It's not corporate money that packs are churches on weekends, or criminalizes pot or abortion. It's the way we think, here.

    Attacks on the rich - in general - don't win elections. They simply sound hysterical or envious. May not even be fair. Are the Rich less charitable or tolerant or whatever than the rest of us? I'm not so sure.

    Obama's 2004 convention speech is almost certainly the way to go. Assume (it may even be true) our political opponents are decent people who want at least some of the same things as us. 

    Accept that for our sins we live in a conservative country so exploit the conservative values that happen to work for us. Fortunately, Joe Lunchpail doesn't  just think the Lord helps those who help themselves, he thinks the country should too.

    There's no majority for the idea of equality. But there is for the idea of equal opportunity - and therefore for good schools, No majority for bailing out General Motors which was supposed to make a profit on its own, but one for supporting e hospitals which weren't.

    Whatever our Ellis Island past, there's no majority for citizenship for illegal immigrants, but might be for undoing Globilization. To quote Keynes, "the thing about tariffs is..they do the trick". .

     Possibly even there is a majority for the counterveiling power of a union. Makes it seem like a fair fight. So Governor Walker may have over reached. The Wisconsin protestors may be getting some unlikely assistance from Libya. It's hard to enthuse about the crowd in the square in Benghazi and then criticize the one in Madison.  

    You know we all want to change the world. But we can't. We have to play the hand we've been dealt here.


    When exactly was that referendum on neoliberalism held, Flavius? My local media failed to report on it, much less the results. Some of the other things you say also strike me as wrong.


    Same time as the one on church attendance.

    I'm trying to describe what we do, not what we say. And Lord knows, not what I wish we should do.

    There's another referendum every Saturday when another voter enters the Honda show room.


    AMEN


    I've been itching to get this thread all weekend. Thanks to all participating. This intelligent and, as acanuck, wrote "meaty" discussion pretty much matches my ideal for the kind of debate I hoped for when launching dagblog. So while the rest of the world watches pretty actors and actresses simper, I at last have a moment to join in.

    That said, there's so much meat, it's hard to know where to join. Let me add a twist to the arguments of Dreamer and Dan by applying in what I know about right wing politics.

    Dreamer writes:

    The former DLC's theory of power was that if you can come up with ideas that attract strong bipartisan support from policymakers you can get them adopted.

    There is a reason that the GOP does not take this approach. It's nicely illustrated by a NYT quote from a Tea Party organizer today:

    The mood here is that we're a little disappointed in the Republicans in the House in not living up to their pledge...We realize we have to keep the pressure on these guys all the time. If you leave them alone they revert back to their own ways.

    This notion of pressuring the Republican Party is fundamental to right-wing politics. In the 1970s, Paul Weyrich launched the Heritage Foundation, the Moral Majority, and the Free Congress Foundation with the express intention of reforming the GOP. Political organizations like the Club for Growth now carry that baton by funding primary challenges against every Republican congressperson who deviates from doctrine. Rush Limbaugh has been hectoring the Republicans for being too weak and too moderate for twenty years now.

    The pressure from right represents a stick that complements the carrot that American Dreamer describes. The right wing organizations help support heavy-lift Republican initiatives, and they also prevent Republican legislators from compromising. A number of the few Republicans compromisers in the 111th Congress lost to primary challengers in 2010. The Tea Parties have already prepared lists of Republican targets in 2012.

    Just as the right wing expresses disappointment with Republicans, so does the left express  disappointment with Democrats. But there is a key difference. Rarely have I heard anyone on the left talk about putting pressure on the Democrats. They'll rage about betrayal, vow to stay home on election day, or contemplate third parties. On occasion, the left has run primary challengers against the most conservative Democrats.

    But the notion of pressuring the Democratic Party is not part of the progressive worldview. There is little active machinery in place for those who would want to. The leftist media personalities have little clout, and progressive organizations, such as the unions, are too tied into to the Democratic Party and too fearful of electoral loss to risk challenging moderate Democrats.

    Thus, weak left wing institutions not only don't assist Democrats with the heavy lifting, they're also powerless to prevent from Democrats from going the bipartisan route. On the right, it's the opposite.

    The phenomenon that DanK describes also plays into this dynamic. He's correct that the left wing will never get the credit if the center embraces their ideas, but the same goes for the right wing. The Tea Parties have very high negatives in the polls. The left despises them, and even moderate Republicans disdain them.

    But because the right wing is so visible, someone like Boehner, who is extremely conservative, gets a reputation for pragmatism. He becomes the good cop relative to the Tea Parties' bad cop. When Boehner takes a hard line, the media represents his position as forced upon him by uncompromising Tea Parties. And the Republicans' extreme budget cuts don't seem that extreme relative to what the far right has pressed for.

    The moderate Democratic leaders have no bad cop. When they take an uncompromising position, they get the blame. And Fox News gets away with insisting that Obama and Pelosi are left wing nuts because there are no powerful left wing nuts to contrast them to.

    To sum up with a facile metaphor, political change is like a scale with heavy stones on either side. Even when there is equal weight on both sides, if the stones are not evenly distributed, the scale will tip. These days, there is a lot of weight on the right tip of the scale and not so much on the left tip. The Democrats can clearly win elections, but they have to win by much larger margins to tip the scale to the left. Thus, there are very few opportunities for progressive reform, and many threats of conservative reform, leaving Democrats to scramble just to maintain the status quo.


    PS There has also been a rich discussion in this thread about neoliberalism. I think it's a worthy matter for its own thread if anyone here cares to blog about it.


    Isn't raging about betrayal and primarying overly conservative Dems putting pressure on the party? That's right out of the Tea Party playbook. Agreed, the party's left wing lacks any institutional structure. Even the Tea Partiers, rabble that they are, seem somehow better organized.

    Maybe it's because the Republicans have this Bolshevik-inspired policy of "no enemy on the right," whereas the Democrats, aiming to be all things to all people, are scared shitless of firebrands. The freezing out of Howard Dean after Obama's victory -- despite how inspired he'd proven about grassroots fundraising and the 50-state strategy -- was emblematic. Their bad cops are Bachmann, Beck and Palin, and ours is Dennis Kucinich. No contest, in terms of scariness.

    You're dead-on about this: "progressive organizations, such as the unions, are too tied into to the Democratic Party ... ." The party apparatchiks strategize in terms of what they think of as their constituencies, embracing cautious policies designed to keep everyone on board at election time, rather than trying to inspire anyone. That's my big beef with Obama: running as an outsider, promising to change how Washington works, he almost by accident tapped into a wave of enthusiasm. Once he was in the White House, party strategists informed him, "Don't even dream about governing that way!" And he didn't. Progressives (including those of us who can't even vote) sensed a great opportunity being squandered out of lack of imagination.

    One reason Wisconsin is inspiring is that the Democratic Party there is a labor party first, and part of the national party second. So the legislators were automatically in tune with their base. Contrast that with how Rahm Emanuel and the DLC went out of their way to piss on the party's most vocal supporters.

    Anyway, thanks for adding your perspective. And I'll ask you to refrain from future use of the words "meaty, meatiness, meat-like, and meat byproduct." All copyrighted, you'll find. Or you can consult me privately about my very reasonable fee schedule.


    When progressives rage about betrayal, the emotion corresponds that of conservatives, but the intention does not. At risk of generalization, progressives usually penalize their Democratic representatives by either not voting or voting for a third party Democrat. Call it Nader's Law. Conservatives, on the other hand, usually penalize their Republican representatives by mounting primary challenges. Call it O'Donnell Law. (There are exceptions in extreme cases, e.g. Lamont v. Lieberman.)

    Notice that neither Nader or O'Donnell won their elections and both arguably tilted the outcomes toward the other side. But the Nader strategy went away after 2000, while Tea Partiers are excited to try the O'Donnell strategy again in 2012. That's because a liberal third party candidate cannot win and can at most torpedo the Democratic candidate. But right-wing Republican candidates can win and sadly have won in many places, notwithstanding O'Donnell's hopeless campaign.

    PS Sorry about the m**ty© mis-attribution. I will correct it immediately.


    But right-wing Republican candidates can win and sadly have won in many places, notwithstanding O'Donnell's hopeless campaign.

    In a presidential race?  Legislative races?  Both?  Bush II certainly did not run the first time as right-wing Republican--to the contrary, he worked hard to convey himself as a compassionate conservative.  He said we needed to be a humble nation and lead by example.  Now whether one thinks that was all for public consumption, that he never believed any of that stuff and that he later on just took advantage of the post-9/11 climate to divide and put Democrats on the defensive and try (and fail on Social Security) for a harder-right agenda he supposedly really would have liked to have pursued from the outset had he thought he could get that done, or whether he really did believe that stuff he said during the campaign could be another conversation. 

    But in 2000 he tried hard to portray himself as a moderate and to appeal to independents.  The second time he was running as a war president and a lot of the arguments had to do with don't switch horses in midstream on Iraq rather than we need to privatize Social Security and get rid of unions and the welfare state now.  It's also true that Rove ran a deliberately polarizing campaign and sought to win by further increasing right-wing turnout rather than by even bothering to try to sound centrist or independent.

    And in 2008 no far-right candidate had enough support to win the GOP nomination.  Part of why McCain was nominated, I believe, was because it was thought that given some of his independent stances in the past he could compete well for independent and centrist votes (those two frequently being conflated), and it was also thought that that would be necessary given the enormous dissatisfaction with Bush.  

    I believe the dynamics are fluid and just because we haven't had anyone win a presidential election yet on an unambiguously hard-right rhetorical platform since Reagan doesn't mean it couldn't happen next time or going forward. 


    I'm primarily talking about legislative races, where the real work of party building happens, so the Nader reference is not entirely appropriate. It's just that he's the clearest example of progressive discontent. The main point is that there have been very few serious left-wing challenges to Democratic incumbents and very many serious right-wing challenges to Republican incumbents. There are a number of very well-funded conservative organizations like the Club for Growth--all modeled on Weyrich's Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress--that fund primary challenges against Republican legislative candidates. I don't know of comparable progressive organizations.

    Presidential races are a little more complex because of the singularity of the office. Weyrich and his allies played a significant role in the nomination of Reagan, who was considered to be a right-winger in the 1970s. Since then, there have been some third-party threats by people like Pat Robertson and Pat Buchanan, but these have again been designed primarily to put pressure on moderate Republican candidates like Bush I and Bob Dole. The challengers have generally thrown their support for the frontrunners after extracting concessions.


    Nader is a good example of how corporate power has destroyed America  

    I could list many examples of how Nader and Perot were prevented from gettting traction in many States.....I could google how the League of Woman voters stopped sponsoring the Debates, because of the fraud by the two major parties, to exclude challengers.

    “Nader, locked out of the legislative process, decided to send a message to the Democrats. He went to New Hampshire and Massachusetts during the 1992 primaries and ran as “none of the above.” In 1996 he allowed the Green Party to put his name on the ballot before running hard in 2000 in an effort that spooked the Democratic Party. The Democrats, fearful of his grass-roots campaign, blamed him for the election of George W. Bush, an absurdity that found fertile ground among those who had abandoned rational inquiry for the thought-terminating clichés of television.....Nader’s status as a pariah corresponded with an unchecked assault by corporations on the working class. The long-term unemployment rate, which in reality is close to 20 percent, the millions of foreclosures, the crippling personal debts that plague households, the personal bankruptcies, Wall Street’s looting of the U.S. Treasury, the evaporation of savings and retirement accounts and the crumbling of the country’s vital infrastructure are taking place as billions in taxpayer subsidies, obscene profits, bonuses and compensation are enjoyed by the corporate overlords. We will soon be forced to buy the defective products of the government-subsidized drug and health insurance companies, which will remain free to raise co-payments and premiums, especially if policyholders get seriously ill. The oil, gas, coal and nuclear power companies have made a mockery of Barack Obama’s promises to promote clean, renewal energy. And we are rapidly becoming a third-world country, cannibalized by corporations, with two-thirds of the population facing financial difficulty and poverty. 

    The system is broken……."

    http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article25144.htm

    http://www.politicsdaily.com/2010/12/09/ralph-nader-predicts-obama-will-face-democratic-primary-challeng/

    Time to get off the fence.....Who will run against the Con Man?

    Lets send a message right now; the earlier the better  

    (Quinn wrote the other day, "We're here to take our country back" )

    The Establishment Democrats can suck air.  

    What is a Democrat? Is it's ideolology modeled in the likeness of Republican - lite,  Clinton or is it in the model of FDR?


    Actually, I was kinda hoping we'd discuss my very reasonable fee schedule. But OK, meathead.


    Just say no to Canadian meat-products


    Damn. I meant to put that one on the list, too.


     Rarely have I heard anyone on the left talk about putting pressure on the Democrats. They'll rage about betrayal, vow to stay home on election day, or contemplate third parties. On occasion, the left has run primary challengers against the most conservative Democrats.

    I don't think that's quite accurate.  There have been many people trying to put pressure on the Democrats, and doing it as a part of the team.  I realize that I don't qualify as anybody with any clout, but I've written about it myself a few times, and in my pieces I quote other, bigger lights who say the same thing:

    I wrote about it here in a piece called "Take me to our Leader", and here in a piece called "Calling all Dems:  Time for an intervention"., and in this one called, "We are the Ordinary People of our Time".  That's just three among many, and I don't expect anyone to read them, but I put them here to show that there are some Democrats who are trying to bring the party back to what it was. 

    I have no intention of giving up on my party, even though they're disappointing me left and right.  I'm not real thrilled with the United States of America right now, either, but my choice is to fight to bring it back to its senses instead of abandoning it altogether.


    I have no intention of giving up on my party

    Our Democratic Party abandoned us for another lover, It's time to end this abusive relationship  

    They are no longer what we hoped they were or that we could make them see the light they never will because they love the darkness.

    They are an adulteress bunch, full of disease and you want to grovel and beg them to reconsider how good we are to them.

    "Please take me back, you abuser, were sorry? 

    They kicked us under the bus. Why would you come groveling back to them, hoping they'll take you back. "Were sorrry we should have realized what you were doing was for our benefit"

    Oh they'll come back to you alright; every election cycle when they need more money.

    "Hey baby we need your lovin...I promise I'll change " 


    You do it your way, Resistance, and I'll do it mine.  I much prefer to work from within my party to make necessary changes.  Just as I don't abandon my family or my country when they drive me nuts, I don't give up on my party, either.  

    There isn't anything you can tell me about the Democrats that I don't already know, so you can quit trying to make them out to be so much worse than the Republicans.  They're not.

    For what it's worth, I admire Ralph Nader for many things he's done over the years, but I think he would have made a terrible president.  He's not known for working well with others.  But the real nightmare would have been Ross Perot as president, no matter what you might think of him as a chart-maker.


    It just takes some people more time to see the futility of supporting an unfaithful mate.

    There isn't anything you can tell me about the Democrats that I don't already know, so you can quit trying to make them out to be so much worse than the Republicans.  They're not.

    Ask yourself why is choosing between the least of two evils the best course for a family or a country?

    Comparing whose worse does the country no good. 

    You have an abusive mate and you want to leave, but you stay, because although he beats you and the kids, you stay because you’re afraid of how you’ll support yourself if you leave. Maybe your abusive mate will change? 

    I am not going to choose between Stalin and Hitler, because the manipulated mass media only gives me that choice.

    Just as I don't abandon my family or my country when they drive me nuts, I don't give up on my party, either.

    Sorry to say it; If you keep supporting a dream and hoping the reality will go away, you will have abandoned your country.

    You will have succumbed to the propaganda; you will have drunk the kool-aid of the Corporatists. 

    "You can have a maggot filled sandwich with either catsup or mustard; to go along with the kool-aid." 

    Why would you accept those terms; why should the country be subjected to those terms? 

    Keep putting those types of options before the people and that’s the only choice we’ll ever have. 

    Why do you support those sandwich merchants? And because you and others do support them, the corporate controlled mass media will tell you how smart you are. Reinforcing their grip   

    You are smart Ramona. Sounds better than you're a ......

    The Corporatists will tell you, go with the herd it's the smart thing to do.

    As for Nader; we need a President to reign in Corporate power, Did Obama  do that?

    If the goal is to reign in Corporate power, who then? 


    It just takes some people more time to see the futility of supporting an unfaithful mate.

    It might not be the preferred and desired option but can flirting with another potential partner cause an unattentive mate to correct course?

    I would urge you, resistance, to, instead of doing nothing but restating for the 12 zillionth time the same dead-end articulation of the primary vs. third party argument, try to at least allow for the possibility that there might be other, more effective options.  Or at any rate, please allow for the reality, not just the possibility, that others are not persuaded that your recommended course of action is obviously the best one. 

    If you want them to come to your conclusion, try offering them a different reason, or some new information not so far part of the standard debate on this.  Instead of just haranguing Ramona (as well as others who think as she does on this matter) with a subtext that she (in your view) is just stubborn or clueless or doesn't get it or whatever.  You see how well that's working.  You're not saying a single thing that is fresh on this particular issue.  Gee, maybe if I just yell (substantively the same thing) louder or more insistently or insult her in ever sterner terms, she'll come around...


    "but can flirting with another potential partner cause an unattentive mate to correct course?

    Why do you assume the mate is unattentive?....The mate telling you go for it, where you going to go, the other is going to beat you worse 

    What more could one say,

    We were told "Don't vote your conscience  voting for Nader" and if you did you were just throwing your votes away. 

    So instead, those who fell for that line of reasoing, voted for the Corporate candidate.

    WTF with that strategy?

    Voting for a Corporate candidate hoping he won't be a corporate candidate servant?  

    Is that a willful act against self-interest?  

    Is that what they call "too smart by half"  Logically accepting something as necessary that isn't?


    So what's your plan?  What positive, effective plan have you come up with?  Nader for President?  It won't happen.  Scratch that.  What's next?


    For starters. One needs to recognize the system is broken and corrupt.

    We could look at how candidates are blocked from being placed on the ballot stop the interference by the two major parites fixing the game..

    In Arizona Independents have to pay 1.000s of dollars for the voters list, the two major parties don't

    Get control over Gerrymandering.

    How about a runoff of the top two vote getters, ending the role of the spoiler.  

    I have to leave for a while, I am trying to find the interview with Independant Party candidate Paul Johnson he stated very clearly what the problem is in AZ

    http://kjzz.org/news/arizona/archives/201102/hn_teaparty 

     


    Why do you assume the mate is unattentive?....The mate telling you go for it, where you going to go, the other is going to beat you worse 

    I don't want to push this analogy too far but...because the mate needs me.  And knows that.  And I have benefited some, although not as much as I want to, from the relationship.  And, though we've had a couple of nasty verbal spats I've not been physically beaten.  Ignored too much, not listened to, disrespected, is more like it.  So, it's time for the relationship to fish or cut bait--either get better or else end, gradually or abruptly.


    Ramona, while writing about the direction of the party is important, it doesn't amount to pressure. Real pressure means not just telling Democrats what you want them to do but penalizing those who don't do it.

    There are two ways to penalize Democrats. One way is to refuse to vote for them in general elections, as Resistance seems to recommend. History suggests that this is not a terribly effective way to get you want in American politics. (Incidentally, the right wing has also flirted with launching third parties at times. All attempts to do so have been disastrous.)

    The other way is to challenge them in the primaries. That's what the right wing has done very effectively to Republicans. And that's what the left wing will have to do sooner or later to Democrats if it hopes to regain its prominence on the U.S. political scene.


    Well said.  There are many individuals writing in the blogosphere--big names and plain folks and everyone in between--who are articulate advocates for their views about what it is "best to do" going forward. 

    But is there a single left-of-center institution which, credibly and demonstrably reflecting the views of its members, might possibly, conceivably influence the course of the next election cycle by itself by taking a clear stand soon in favor of one or more of the following potential courses of action:?

    *go third party

    *primary Obama

    *promote Obama's record of accomplishments to date on the theory that if more is known his approval ratings will go up and he will feel more at liberty to push the envelope on more progressive issues (which assumes he wants to do that or could be persuaded to do that)

    *focus on recruiting strong, viable candidates, progressive on economic issues and probably, at best, moderate on social and foreign policy issues) to recapture lost House seats in the last election and regain a majority, a somewhat more progressive one than in '09-'10 on economic issues in particular. 

    *vote Republican the next election on the theory that things have to get a lot worse before they can get better (assumes things will get better after they get worse, or that in any case they are more likely to get better under this scenario than following other options)

    MoveOn?  Maybe, conceivably?  Any others?   


    That's a nice list, whether or not agrees with all of them. I would be interested if anyone had an item they thought you left off.


    Oh, well, there are items I know I left off. Some would be variations or elaborations on ones I listed.  Others include (again, I'm sure others could come up with ones not listed here and it goes without saying that individuals can choose to do more than one):

    *individuals reaching out to sympathetic others they know who didn't vote or are in danger of not voting and/or to people who haven't been approached or don't now agree but are thought possibly persuadable (one of the things DanK has been doing, and I'm sure others here as well)

    *individuals continuing to write and circulate information with the hope the cumulative effect changes the climate of public opinion in a desired direction (many at dag do this, I am sure)

    *collective action but in the form of direct actions, not aimed at influencing an electoral outcome in any pre-specified direction, such as: targeted, well thought-out acts of (nonviolent) civil disobedience accompanied by addressable, specific grievances; I even saw something on the possibility of a general strike being remote but not entirely out of the question in Wisconsin: http://host.madison.com/ct/news/local/govt-and-politics/article_6e4ebcb8-422c-11e0-81c2-001cc4c002e0.html

    *disengage/don't vote/limit oneself to bitching and moaning, and hope that Democratic party elected officials and candidates will find out about that, will infer the intended meaning(s) of these actions, and take from them some type of positive, coherent, actionable message other than that some people are unhappy enough to check out, as well as gain enhanced capability to act on it.


    Primarying...

    I am no political horse race expert but as a "layman" seems to me that with liberals/progressives the primarying tactic as regards Congress over the past decades has only resulted in less power, not more---a Republican Congress. Primary Lieberman with Lamont and you get---Lieberman. Stage primary attacks on Blue Dogs in districts where liberals are scarce and you'll get--a Republican Congress.

    I don't understand the mechanics of how Tea Partiers got into the new Congress. Maybe that is something someone here could expound on sometime. I really doubt that it was done in districts where the Independent and swing votes could cause the seat to go Dem.

    Isn't this a skill where Karl Rove supposedly reigned supreme? He knew every district in the country, which ones had the support for the more conservative candidates and which ones needed someone more moderate, and he had actual powerful input into who got primaried and who didn't, when and where.

    To your comment specifically, on the presidential level,

    You provide the challenger, the challenger brings the liberal/progressive viewpoints to the fore, the candidate makes cooing noises which the liberals/progressives read like tea leaves as promises, the challenger loses, the candidate moves to the center in the main election and to get the Independent and swing votes in the crucial states, and in governing after the election to get majority support for agenda.  The liberals/progressives proceed to call him a traitor, liar whatever.

    The presidental situation applies to both parties. Despite what you might read in the liberal/progressive blogosphere, George Bush did not run as a conservative either time. First time around he was the kinder gentler non-interventionist interested in promoting education, and Gore came off as the interventionist hawk. Second time around lots of conservatives were disgusted with him and he was disgusted with some of the like the Christian right nut cases. I would also like to remind that many of the major conservative talk radio people simply despised McCain and said so loudly.

    Isn't this just going back to the place where the Dem party is a purist minority from liberal districts "in the wilderness" for years until third way/DLC came in, or the later alternative--think very long term via Dean's fifty-state strategy?

    You can't run from the number of independent/swing voters in this country that actively vote.

    That said, if someone could just once work a miracle of GOTV of minorities and youth in midterm elections, threads like this one probably wouldn't be taking place. They never turn out, never, it happens every time. They like to vote for some presidential votes if a candidate is charismatic or to vote against one who is especially odious, that's all. If the majority actually turned out--I'll say the nasty that many fear to say: the majority eligible to vote, if they actually turned out, would vote uninformed straight party line Dem--and it would be tough for the GOP, whether playing conservative or moderate--to win anything. If there was a requirement to vote, the GOP is the one that would have to figure out another way out of the wilderness.


    Wasn't meaning here to state personal preferences on these, just trying to list out some possible options.

    You provide the challenger, the challenger brings the liberal/progressive viewpoints to the fore, the candidate makes cooing noises which the liberals/progressives read like tea leaves as promises, the challenger loses, the candidate moves to the center in the main election and to get the Independent and swing votes in the crucial states, and in governing after the election to get majority support for agenda.  The liberals/progressives proceed to call him a traitor, liar whatever.

    In 1968 LBJ was challenged during the primary season by two candidates from his left--Eugene McCarthy (although polls showed those voting for McCarthy in the earth-shaking New Hampshire primary in which McCarthy almost beat Johnson showed voters thought him more hawkish on the war than Johnson!), and then Robert F. Kennedy.  Johnson opted to withdraw from the race, leaving his Vice President, Hubert Humphrey, as his preferred successor and the candidate supported by most of the party machinery.  Humphrey, continuing with his stance of continuity with Johnson's policies and personal loyalty to Johnson, took a cautious stance on getting out of Vietnam for a long time, sounding more dovish only in the closing stages of the general.  He closed rapidly on Nixon and fell just short of beating him in the popular vote.  Wallace's 3rd party candidacy was one of the more successful ones in recent decades.  I've not seen data on whether his presence in the race helped Nixon or Humphrey--surely there must be some.  In any case, there is a case to be made--not at all a ridiculous one--that, had Humphrey moved left on the War just a bit earlier, he might have won.  It didn't quite happen, but it was very close.   

    Nothing like this has happened in recent times.  I know of no ironclad laws of history saying this type of thing could not possibly, under any circumstances, happen.  The biggest immediate barrier to a primary challenge in 2012 that could gain some traction would be finding a plausible primary challenger.  I've not heard a name mentioned so far that sounded plausible to me. 


    Lots of meat in your last paragraph, appraiser. The Democrats do have natural majorities there for the taking, and repeatedly fail to inspire enough of them to vote. You can blame the youth and minorities, or you can ask yourself whether GOTV shouldn't be more than an election-day strategy. Like maybe by providing leadership and good governance in the two years between elections. If you can't turn out voters who are your natural base, it's the party's fault. Period.


    AA, right-wing primary challenges have also caused many seats to go to Dems. In 1978, it was Massachusetts and New Jersey. In 2010, it was Delaware and Nevada.

    But the conservative insurgents weren't playing the horse race, they were building a movement to reform the Republican Party. And they went ahead with their challenges despite warnings from pundits and Republican leaders that conservatives could not win. In some cases, the the pundits and politicians were right, but in the long run, conservatives won more than they lost, and they accomplished their goals to an extent that no one but the insurgents themselves thought possible in the 1970s.


    Thanks.

    So that inspires me to ask a rhetorical question

    Which side are YOU on?! Laughing

    Would you be out there in the wilderness hanging in solidarity with the liberal/progressive /pro-union/resurrect-the-New-Deal anti-free-trade version of the Tea Party as they built their force meant to drag the country left, or would you be writing that their cure is worse than the disease?

    For some reason it still strikes me that this thread is a bunch of people basically thinking they agree with each other when they really don't at all. (That's not to suggest the Tea Party isn't like that as well.)

    An aside. I was checking this out last night--a lot of similar discussion (and just as "meaty" in the comment threads) was taking place on TPMCafe more than 5 years agoThis one week, for example inncluded posts titled What's the Matter with a Majority; F. Scott Fitzgerald and Libertarianism; How Pathetic is Progressive Politics?; Exhibit # 1; Ideas vs. Slogans; A Notion about "Ideas"; No New Ideas; Progressives and Twenty-Somethings; Youth Decay; Hijacking Dumb Ideas...BTW, that wasn't the height of it, as I bounced through the weekly archives I could see there was a lot more activity, especially in the commenting, as the year went on.


    Is that a really rhetorical question or just a regular question? :) I try to stay focused on the big picture. With respect to the article you link to, the country is already suffering from rampant obstructionism. Even it it's beneficial for the Democrats in the short run, it's bad for everyone in the long run. More importantly, blocking the anti-union bill in Wisconsin doesn't solve the core problem, which is that the majority of the country doesn't have liberal values. Until that problem is solved, these attacks on the country's liberal foundations will continue, and Democrats will have to continue to resort to obstructionism to stop them.

    What frustrates me is the acute stubbornness of both sides of the party to address the real problem. On the centrist/pragmatic side, people seem to say, "It is what is what is," and focus on attracting voters have don't have liberal values through triangulation. On the leftist/doctrinaire side, people seem to think that if you just stopped the Koch brothers and corporations from donating to political candidates, then the natural liberalness of the people would emerge from the depths to vote Kucinich for president.


    Speaking for the leftists/doctrinaires (which I'm not at all authorized to do), I don't believe in the natural liberalness of the people. Stopping the Koch brothers would be a good thing, but it's just a baby step. Not even Dennis Kucinich imagines he could ever be elected president, but he's a fine person fighting a good fight. I'll accept that "it is what it is." Just not that it's the end of the discussion.


    I apologize for dismissive oversimplification and retract my statement because now I'm hijacking the thread. My blathering is repetitive from previous threads and generally less interesting than what others had been arguing here before I arrived.


    I will make this as short as I can. I take a much longer view when it comes to the evolution of the democratic party. So it isn't just a matter of, "it is what it is", and there is nothing we can do about it. The fact is over the past 230 or so years, the democratic party has had much of the same problems you see right now. You might pin the emergence of that in the politically tumultuous antebellum years and it continued on well into the 1850's. Even then democrats were employing strategies to capture a wide swath of the population, trying to attract the same kind of voter today, which includes immigrants, the irish catholics back then, while the Know-nothing movement and those like it were appealing to a more xenophobic, strident individual. And the results for the Know-nothing movement were incredible. They controlled Massachusetts, if only for a short time. They made huge inroads in controlling the Maryland legislature and Louisiana. It is incredible to see the ads of the times. I will post some later. They are cool and are indicative of how the parties have always attracted a certain kind of participant. I actually do have sources and more in-depth information. I will write more about all of This after I am finished reading the books I have on the subject.

    You offer a bit of a strawman when you say the leftist/doctrinaires believe liberalness will emerge if legitimate campaign finance reform could somehow be enacted.

    Like acanuck, I do not pretend to speak for the "leftist/doctrinaires." But I can tell you that you have not presented MY argument against corporate financing of elections.

    First of all, I do not invest any currency in the natural liberalness or conservativeness of the people. I always kinda figure it will fluctuate as needed, with people like me pulling from one end of the spectrum and others like Grover Norquist & Co. pulling from the other in a political marketplace of ideas.

    The issue of the Koch Brothers and the corporations and the influence of their overwhelming ability to fund political campaigns has to do with the corruption of that "marketplace of ideas." First, there's the obvious "money is speech" conundrum, wherein he with the most money gets the most speech. In this, the wealthy will always be heard at much greater volume than the poor.

    But far more sinister is the way in which present corporate financing of campaigns establishes their importance within all camps in the discussion. It is assumed that we have a two party system of government, wherein each party basically represents separate constituencies. Each party has its "base," and it is expected that the party will promote the agenda of its base to the full extent the political realities of the day will allow.

    Thus, for example, if you are in the midst of a health care reform effort and there exists overwhelming support for a public option (or dare I say single payer health care?), you pursue it with vigor and claim it as a victory.

    Unless, of course, it doesn't fly with your campaign contributors who - in large part - happen to be the same guys funding the other side. You instead express a desire for such a measure to be passed, but fail to take a lead on getting it done. You pull a Palooka, and take a fall for those who have placed their money on the line.

    In this, the corporations and their money represent the fox in the henhouse of our public discourse and our politics. We will never get any more reform or advancement of liberal initiatives than these monied interests will allow for so long as they retain ultimate control over both sides of the effort.

    You can argue the need for incremental change all you want, and it is a valid consideration. But if the limiter on the amount of change allowed is always defined as "Only that which meets the approval of the corporate interests," it's difficult to see how we ever arrive at destination wherein the needs of the people themselves is deemed paramount.

    I always thought that democracy was supposed to be all about government of, for, and by "We, the People." Tough to imagine we can ever know such a reality for so long as corporations own the process. And THAT is the reason I see campaign finance reform as being an over-arching issue that must be addressed if we are ever to know real democracy in America. I'm more than willing to take my lumps in the marketplace of ideas. But let's make it a fair fight. 


    For some reason it still strikes me that this thread is a bunch of people basically thinking they agree with each other when they really don't at all.

    I laughed when I read that.  Laughing  Do you really believe there is any danger of a bunch of people here either agreeing with one another, or even thinking they agree with one another?  Having been at this site for awhile and "knowing" many of the regulars as you do? 

    Already I see some signs of what may be individual preferences in outlook and activity-orientation, both for and against.  For example we've already had one mini-spat over further investment in the Democratic party.  In cmauk's thread "Power to the People" it looks to me as though we have a mini "go small", "go *around* the corporations" caucus forming.  And then we appear to have an "I'm more morose than you, and I woke many of you up, and I've been trying to wake everyone up longer than you have" caucus as well. 

    None of which means individuals fit or will fit neatly into any new set of descriptive "boxes".  A re-calcification of thought under a different set of rigidly descriptive labels hardly seems helpful.

    I wasn't seeing disagreement registered in the thread so far with the core point I was trying to make: that, regardless of whether one wants to see the current rightward dynamics merely stopped or reversed back to some status quo ante considered to be acceptable, or one wants to push a(n unspecified, and also a subject of disagreement) progressive/left agenda, neither is likely to be possible without one or more strong institutions to supply the political muscle to do that. Individual action clearly can and does have an impact.  But it will need to be supplemented with more effective collective/collaborative action in order to have a chance of stopping or reversing the current dominant trends. 

    Agreement on these points does not logically require a commitment to pursuing a "left/progressive" program.  Practically, it may.  But I'm not sure about that.  I tend to want to resist high-stakes "with us or against us" thinking.  Others seem to prefer it.     

    Attitudes at this site are predictably diverse on whether unions, in more or less current form, or in changed form (if many people decide to join unions and the union movement grows, it will change, count on that--the question, as always, would be how it would change, whether for the better or worse.  There would be a lot of competition to define a new reality.), are a) on balance a good thing and b) one possible response to the counterweight need.  Or whether an effective counterweight function can only be fulfilled (if it is) by one or more institutions other than unions, either existing or yet-to-be-invented. 


    An analysis and modest proposal from John Kenneth Galbraith:

    http://vimeo.com/17452193


    Questions similar to ones raised in this and Dan Coates' "Diluting the Tea Party" thread http://dagblog.com/reader-blogs/diluting-tea-party-importance-supping-long-spoon-9146., along with some different ones, are asked in the following intro to a free bulletin I receive, World Wide Work.  It is published by the American Labor Education Center, an independent nonprofit founded in 1979.   

    WORLD WIDE WORK

    As Warren Buffett, one of the world’s richest men, has written, "If class warfare is being waged in America, my class is clearly winning." The attacks on working people and on public services in Wisconsin and other states raise many important questions:

    • Can a movement against the Wall Street agenda be led by the existing progressive institutions, or are they too busy fighting for crumbs for their individual constituencies? In the 1960s, the civil rights sit-ins and anti-war protests in the streets were led by young people who went beyond the tactics and goals the liberal establishment was ready for. Is the same kind of youth-led revolt possible today?
    • Can a progressive movement catch fire if it does not have a clear agenda that stands in contrast to the Wall Street agenda? The corporate-funded Right, including the Tea Party, has an understandable and consistent program – cut taxes and slash budgets and somehow that will boost the economy. Responding by saying “don’t cut this program” or “don’t cut this group’s benefits” is not the same as offering an alternative vision for how to create sustainable good jobs, affordable health care, retirement security, and reliable public services for everyone.
    • Is it possible to promote a People’s Budget without challenging both major political parties on military spending and on tax cuts and subsidies for corporations and the rich? Without talking about why money is tight for human needs, progressives are left arguing over which worthy program should be cut at the expense of others.
    • Is it possible for progressives to build support for funding public services without also leading on issues of quality and efficiency, such as cutting waste and duplication in government or improving what is taught and how it is taught in the public schools?
    • Can progressives develop the same long-term commitment to change that the corporate-funded Right has demonstrated for decades, rather than expecting the next election to provide salvation?

    A free subscription to occasional email bulletins, mostly consisting of "new and worth noting" films, books, and music, is available at TheWorkSite.org, which also provides "free, adaptable tools for grassroots education and organizing". They indicate that they do not share their email list with anyone. 


    Excellent questions here that offer a bit of a summary notion of "where to from here?"

    Coates' essay is excellent, dealing with "message." It deserves to go viral, and you do a real service by continually linking it to this discussion.

    "Bi-partisanship" is an admirable objective. But it is one which, as we have seen, can easily be corrupted into a wholesale surrender of Progressive principles as we allow the discussion to be framed by others.

    A Keynesian response to our economic recession has been all but abandoned in favor of budget cutting "austerity." There is no longer any discussion of actual job creation or reducing unemployment or easing the pain for those millions most adversely affected by the collapse of our financial industry. Nor is there any appetite expressed for holding accountable those who irresponsibly - and even criminally! - participated in the collapse, at great benefit to themselves and the misery of so many others. Indeed, the discussion now is to hold harmless from the effects of this crisis those banksters who had such a key role in creating it in the first place. Incredibly, the only way we will ostensibly "recover" from this crisis is to reestablish the dominance and wealth of the banksters, letting their victims be damned.

    In another example, the human rights abuses of an Imperial Presidency are now established as legitimate subjects for policy discussions due to our effort to "not look back, but forward." This misplaced desire to somehow remain "civil" in our politics has created a situation wherein we now have open debates on the TeeVee regarding "How much torture is too much torture?" and "Should ALL U.S. Citizens be protected from targeted assassination authorized in secret by our President?"

    Coming out of 2008, we rightly had the Republicans on the ropes for all their abuses of power and the failures of their policies, both foreign and domestic. Yet, our pursuit of "bi-partisan friendliness" invited them to frame the narrative on their past abuses and define the discussion going forward. We never really seized the initiative on promoting "Change You Can Believe In" but instead remained on the defensive in the message wars. We saw how all THAT worked out in 2010, eh?

    The article you cite asks an important question: "Can a movement against the Wall Street agenda be led by the existing progressive institutions, or are they too busy fighting for crumbs for their individual constituencies?"

    This is key. For so long as the other side - the "Wall Street" side - can keep us struggling for the specific "crumbs" we seek, they can retain hold of everything of importance to them that allows them to maintain power over us all. They will allow "compromise" on the crumb-giving enough to maintain a pretense of democratic action, yet they will draw a line in the sand against anything that might actually tip the balance of power against them. Thus, we are allowed to have our "Health Reform," but only insofar as it doesn't include anything like single-payer or even a public option that might actually attack their indefensible throttle-hold on "Your healthcare as my for-profit business."

    We've got to get away from the pursuit of crumbs if we are ever going to successfully stand against the powerful interests that wish to destroy the middle class in America. Instead, we need to pay much closer attention to the message we present in opposition to them. And, at last, we need to arrive at a very fundamental jumping-off point that allows us all to fight back with a unified perspective and a keen understanding of what we are up against and the consequences if we lose.

    Warren Buffet is right. World Wide Work is right. This is Class War. And in considering every move by our politicians and every message presented and every initiative offered, it becomes important to analyze it first and foremost within the fundamental context of "Which side are you on?"


    AD, I clicked on the link to TheWorkSite.org and it says the account has been suspended.  Is the link address right?

    This is a great discussion, and the link to Coates' piece just solidifies it.  We are partisans, but fractured in ways that are becoming more and more destructive.  If there is one message we should all be able to agree on, it's that the main battle needs to be focused against those who have forced this country to its knees. Our jobs aren't gone because the unions and the workers were so selfish.  Our deficit hasn't grown to bursting proportions because Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security pays out too much.  Public education isn't drifting because our teachers make slightly better than a living wage. 

    Sending jobs overseas, maintaining two wars, and cutting taxes on many of the same people who put us in this mess. . .not a liberal idea among them.  And yet we're blamed for all of it and a fair percentage of voters believe it enough to cut off their own noses rather than join us in the fight.

    So yes, we need to change out game plan, and discussions like this will go a long way toward figuring out our next move. 


    AD, I clicked on the link to TheWorkSite.org and it says the account has been suspended.  Is the link address right?

    Thank you, Ramona.  Yes, that was the correct link provided.  I contacted the person from whom I received the bulletin and was told that they're aware of the problem and that it will be fixed by their hosting service "within the next day or two."  Tough time to be having technical difficulties.  


    www.TheWorkSite.org is up and operating if anyone wants to check it out


    Great--thank you, Anonymous.