The Bishop and the Butterfly: Murder, Politics, and the End of the Jazz Age
    Doctor Cleveland's picture

    The California Preview

    So, the Iowa Straw Poll went overwhelmingly to candidates who would have been considered fringe last time around, with Michelle Bachmann and Ron Paul combining for something like 55% of the vote. Some Democrats are taking this as consolation, on the theory that even if Obama is vulnerable the Republicans will nominate someone too extreme to beat him. Meanwhile, we have the usual "centrist" columnists indulging the the usual "centrist" fantasies about some miraculous "centrist" third-party candidate who will solve all of our intractable problems by being, um, "bold." (Because who loves bold solutions more than someone who considers both the mainstream party platforms too extreme?)

    All I can say to that is: whatever. I've been here before, dude. Last time it was called "California," and it didn't go well. In fact, it's still not going well. And now we're repeating the California debacle on a grand scale.

    In California, where one can have a long and very successful political career inside a single red red red or blue blue blue district, the Republican Party has long resisted nominating moderates for statewide office: only truly true conservatives are pure enough to get the nod for Senator or Governor. This, of course, is a great plan for losing, in a gigantic state with plenty of very blue districts in it. But compromise is for wimps.

    This often tempted the Democrats into nominating dull and uninspired candidates who had paid up their party dues and who would not always set the world on fire, but could step back while the Republicans doused themselves with gasoline. About ten years back, a steady and reliable centrist Democratic Governor, the aptly named Gray Davis, was in real political trouble, with his popularity diving from the high fifties to the low forties. Privatizing the electrical grid had turned into a debacle with sky-high prices and occasional rolling blackouts, Davis was unable to fix the problems or to rally the voters to his side. Since he was so vulnerable, and the governor's mansion was in the Republicans' grasp, they nominated a good ideologically pure conservative to make sure they got full value after they won the election. And that's why they didn't win the election. The guy they put up couldn't even beat Gray Davis.

    This is what set up the recall election that made Schwarzenegger governor. The Democrats were hoping to stagger through because the Republicans were even more unpopular than they were. And the Republicans were too ideologically rigid to do the sensible thing. It was only through the strange recall process, which sidestepped the Republican nominating process, that a moderate Republican (exactly the candidate the political situation most favored, and the kind of candidate the GOP should have put up to begin with) got on the gubernatorial ballot at all.

    There's your Obama-will-get-through-this-because-they're crazy strategy, right there. And I'm not eager for a repeat with higher stakes. Sure, Obama might stagger to a 47%-42% victory, the way Davis did in his re-election campaign, but what's he going to do after that? It's a recipe for a mess.

    And for the Friedmans of the world, longing for an independently wealthy centrist to arrive on a big white horse, Schwarzenegger's governorship should provide an illustration of how well that goes, which is not well at all. I despised Schwarzenegger's first campaign, but his attempt to govern was basically sensible and reasonable, and it got him absolutely nowhere. Difficult financial problems don't respond to personal charisma. And entrenched political difficulties don't magically fix themselves when you elect an "outsider." In fact, the problems were worse because Schwarzenegger was basically a governor without a party. His fellow Republicans in the legislature were too ideologically pure to listen to him, and the Democrats didn't owe a Republican governor anything. Neither party had really backed him, and neither had any stake in helping him. Arnold couldn't pass a budget. By the second term, he couldn't pass a slow U-Haul on I-5. Nothing makes legislative partisanship worse than taking the party leadership away. The rank and file legislators just revert to their base political instincts.

    If our current Senators and Representatives won't reliably listen to Obama and Boehner, why on earth would they listen to someone with whom they have no political relationship or alliance? If Beltway columnists managed to make enough animal sacrifices to the gods and get, say, Michael Bloomberg elected, that would not be the end of Washington gridlock. That would initiate a new era of much deeper Washington gridlock, as the President of the United States would find himself with no one who would cast a vote, let alone a difficult vote, to help him out.

    California is still a political basket case, and it's in real trouble. And lately I've been hearing the same allegedly clever ideas that made California's problems worse passed around as possible "solutions" for the whole country. It's a little like proposing that we put the whole country on the San Andreas fault. It worked badly before, and it will only be worse on a larger scale.

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    Comments

    Very interesting analogy, doctor. I agree that the step-back-and-wait-for-immolation strategy is a poor one, but I don't think that there are enough data points here to equate centrism, dullness, and impotence.

    I think of Schwarzenegger as a wannabe Teddy Roosevelt, who bucked his party to reform a broken system. While the extent of Roosevelt's accomplishments are disputed, he was certainly neither dull nor impotent.


    Okay, fair enough. centrism does not always mean dullness or impotence under all circumstances. But the version of "centrism" being peddled in our current political situation would absolutely lead to impotence.

    But Theodore Roosevelt, surely, was not a centrist. He was the leader of one wing of one party, a Progressive Republican, focused on defeating both his intra-party and opposite-party rivals. He was certainly not conciliatory. And he didn't play the bogus  "last sane man" card, implying that all it took was one "common-sensical" person to break political deadlocks. (That idea presumes that a) every other politician is an utter fool and b) they will be overjoyed to hear that pointed out. It's an ego fantasy.) Roosevelt never talked about "getting beyond" arguments. He set out to win them.


    Roosevelt was much more conciliatory to the conservative old guard than you think, and he had a troubled relationship with the progressive wing. His radicalization came late into his second term. But I admit that it's an imperfect analogy and that he did not campaign on centrism.


    When I'm in Cleveland, I often commune with the ghost of Mark Hanna, the Republican political boss from those days. And let me tell you: Hanna still hates that goddamn crazy cowboy.

    More seriously: yes, it's more complicated than my reply comment allowed. Roosevelt dealt with the political realities of his party's power structure, and no President is on the edge of his party's radical wing. But he wasn't presenting politics as a problem that went away if you became more agreeable.

    I believe that there are hypothetical centrist policies that would not be timid or unrealistic. But what I hear put forward as "centrism" is either ridiculous middle-of-the-roadism (for example, following economic policies that cancel each other out) or conservativism that won't cop to the name (as in "We need a centrist to take the bold step of cutting Social Security and Medicare." Also, we need a liberal to bring back segregation in the South.)


    Agreed. Btw, I'm working on book proposal about the Republican progressive insurgency in the early 1900s.


    Excellent. I look forward to reading it. (Although of course, the late Senator Hanna will hate it.)


    I think Michelle Bachmann and Ron Paul are very different beasts. If Ron Paul got the nomination, I would think that Obama would be in for a very strong challenge. If Michelle Bachmann got the nomination, then Obama's only challenge would be himself. If Ron Paul got the nomination, I wouldn't be afraid for my sanity were he to win*. If Michelle Bachmann got the nomination, I would be, because the economy is shaky enough she just might be able to pull it off.

    *That's not to say I agree with him on lots of stuff, but I do agree with him on some stuff, and most of the craziest things he says would not be supported by Congress.


    I think that Paul would do enormous damage to the country, and particularly to the country's economy. Yes, Paul and I share opposition to our foreign wars. But if he won the election, the best possible economic outcome would be four lost years, as the government deadlocked rather than helping. The worst case scenario is that Paul would pass even of a fraction of his economic program, which would severely lengthen and intensify the recession.

    Inflation is at under half a percent, and the man wants tighter money. He wants to go back on the gold standard, which would be an absolutely catastrophic monetary contraction if you did it during a boom. If we did it now, the Great Depression would likely have to be renamed, because it wouldn't be the biggest one anymore.


    Good point. In that case, he's arguably a much more frightening candidate assuming you share my assumption that he's more electable than Bachmann...


    Yeah, but while we crash the economy, we will at least be able to get high!


    Well, Prohibition ended during the last major depression. That picked up everyone's spirits.