There is an airport that serves our national capitol which is named
after Ronald Reagan and when he died, and almost daily since then, we
are forced to listen to discussions
about his greatness.
The other day
a man named Charles Morgan, Jr. passed away and next to nothing was said about him, aside from
this comment on DK.
It
is quite likely that if there had no been a Chuck Morgan, though, we
would not be on the eve of the most eagerly awaited presidential
inauguration since 1933. And the most urgent task awaiting our new
president is to blot out the damage done to our country by the man who
blamed government as the problem, and the acolytes, including so many
who report the news and inhabit the capitol, who have followed
President Reagan and his destructive mantra almost over a cliff.
It
is likely that you never heard of Chuck Morgan, but that is because the
law and the courts have also been victim to the assault on government
led by the Reagan forces. But while the campaign that made the Reagan
presidency happen began in Philadelphia, Mississippi to identify with
those who consider the federal government to be a intruder, Chuck
Morgan, as much as any other person, used the federal government and
its courts, in the best traditions of this country to secure the
blessings of liberty for all of its people.
It was Chuck Morgan,
then a young lawyer just beginning his practice in Birmingham, Alabama,
where his family had moved when he was much younger still, who
responded to the church bombing which killed four young black girls
there in 1963 (classmates, she tells us, of Secretary of State Rice) by
telling a group of young businessmen that
Every
person in this community who has in any way contributed during the past
several years to the popularity of hatred is at least as guilty, or
more so, than the demented fool who threw that bomb"
That
ended Chuck Morgan's life in Birmingham, but it did not end what he did
for his country and the south in general. Thanks to a sympathetic
federal judge (and the serendipity that Judge Frank M. Johnson happened
to be around at the same time and place is one of those things that
could make a person believe in a divine spirit), Chuck used the courts
and a federal government that slowly realized its own responsibility to
change our country and make the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts a
reality.
Without his work, and that of so many other courageous
men and women, our country would be quite a different place and not one
about to inaugurate the man who is now our President-elect. And when
Chuck Morgan began a brief tenure at a law school, he taught his
impressionable students, who had just watched the law finally catch up
with a president of the United States who sought to pervert our system
of government and imbue the chief executive with the powers of a
monarch, about the obligations of a lawyer to use the courts to even
the playing field and prevent the powerful and the corrupt from
imposing their will on the rest of us.
When President Reagan
took office a few years later he said something quite different and it
was his view, that government was essentially an impediment to
progress, that has dominated political thought since then.
Chuck
Morgan would have told us what he meant by that: to the extent that
government evens the playing field to protect us against the tyranny of
the big and powerful it should get out of the way.
That is not
what this country has been all about, a republic formed with a healthy
respect for the rights of a minority against the excesses of the
majority, but by the early part of the twentieth century the concept
that government should just get out of the way had taken sufficient
root that when huge parts of Mississippi and Louisiana were almost
drowned by a flood (sound familiar?) the New York Times had to warn us
that
The idea that the [federal] Government's aid to
the afflicted will be adeuate to relieve their suffering and to tide
them over until the crops are planted and produce marketed, should not
be permitted to prevail
since it was the
responsibility of the private sector to bring back the business
activity which had been lost and not the government's. (New York Times,
May 18, 1912 at page 12).
All that changed when Franklin Roosevelt was sworn in on March 4, 1933 and said:
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have
never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can
not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward,
we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the
good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know,
ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline,
because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good.
This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind
upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked
only in time of armed strife. 1
With this pledge taken, I
assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people
dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Did the New Deal solve all of our problems? Of course not. As President Roosevelt himself reported four years later:
In
this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens--a substantial part
of its whole population--who at this very moment are denied the greater
part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of
life.
I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.
I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under
conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a
century ago.
I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.
I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and
factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many
other millions.
I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.
It is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you
in hope--because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in
it, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every American
citizen the subject of his country's interest and concern; and we will
never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders as
superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the
abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for
those who have too little.
The New Deal did not
solve our problems, but it changed the way we look at them and their
resolution. The President disabused the country of the notion that
government could play no role in the well being of its citizens. Quite
to the contrary, he pointed to
the clear hope that
government within communities, government within the separate States,
and government of the United States can do the things the times
require, without yielding its democracy. ...
Nearly all of us
recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power
to govern them also must increase--power to stop evil; power to do good.
The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people
depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those
whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an
honest and free system of elections. The Constitution of 1787 did not
make our democracy impotent.
...we have made the exercise of
all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private
autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public's
government. The legend that they were invincible--above and beyond the
processes of a democracy--has been shattered. They have been challenged
and beaten.
The Congress which took office in 1933
was far more in the control of the President's party than is the one
which our new president will have to convince in seeking to make the
same argument against the same destructive backdrop. That does not
mean, though, that compromise is the order of the day or that the
imperatives of the moment should be subordinated to the same people
whose insistence that government get out of the way has put us in as
perilous a crisis as we have seen in my lifetime.
It is not the
time for the well meaning Republicanism of the last two "Democratic"
presidents, or for the loud noises followed by routine capitulation
which the Senate Majority Leader favors, nor is the incoming
administration's hope for consensus and 80 vote approval by the Senate
of their proposed solutions as important as the need to restore
government to its role to protect its citizens from the ravages of a
greedy unfettered marketplace.
Franklin Roosevelt explained it this way:
For
... years this Nation was afflicted with hear-nothing, see-nothing,
do-nothing Government. The Nation looked to Government but the
Government looked away. Nine mocking years with the golden calf and
three long years of the scourge! Nine crazy years at the ticker and
three long years in the breadlines! Nine mad years of mirage and three
long years of despair! Powerful influences strive today to restore that
kind of government with its doctrine that that Government is best which
is most indifferent.
...
We ... struggle with the old
enemies of peace: business and financial monopoly, speculation,
reckless banking, class antagonism, sectionalism, war profiteering.
They
had begun to consider the Government of the United States as a mere
appendage to their own affairs. We know now that Government by
organized money is just as dangerous as Government by organized mob.
Never
before in all our history have these forces been so united against one
candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in their hate for me
and I welcome their hatred.
President Roosevelt
could say that as he sought re-election in 1936, because he knew his
opponents could not win against a popular president. Today the haters
are hiding; many pretending that they are on the same side as the rest
of the country. The applaud our new president because they want to fool
us as to where they really stand.
Do not be fooled. There is a
huge task before us and prevarication and delay will certainly mean
failure. Chuck Morgan did not let threats of violence deter him from
his sacred task. We can ask for no less from our members of Congress
and the new administration.