Right I'm dumb, but your condescending comment is Ok. All I point out regarding Bernie Sanders inability to connect with minority voters is something noted by many observers. It is not an attack, It is a statement of fact.

http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/bernie-sanders-ghetto-gaffe-highlights-campai...

​The problems Sanders faces is an important teaching point for other Progressives. Minority votes need to know who you are before you decide to run for national office. Housing, employment, minimum wage, school loan debt, healthcare, etc. Cross racial lines. PWhite Progressives need to make themselves known in minority communities. If they fail to connect, they will face the same fate as Sanders.

The black community does not care about Ralph Nader's Corvair crusade. They do care about Nader calling Obama an empty suit. Ralph Nader is disliked in the black community. If Nader bothered to show up in the black community, he could have noted that Rep. Donna Edwards of Maryland worked for Nader's Public Citizen, his message might have been analyzed in a different light. Nader had no direct connection to the black community 

http://www.citizenvox.org/2011/10/21/public-citizen-celebrates-40-years-...

I am not attacking, I am addressing mistakes made by Sanders. When us old geezers hear the word "revolution", we think of Martin Luther King Jr., Stokely Carmichael, Malcolm X,  Medgar Evers, Caesar Chavez, Gloria Steinem, Bella Abzug, Flo Kennedy, Kent State, etc. We remember people being killing. When Sanders, who built no structure before running for President, talks of revolution by messages on social media, we are rolling on the floor laughing.

A word to the wise is sufficient.

Sorry, but you appear to be wrong. From PBS:

"He rose to power as the nation’s best-known segregationist in the early 1960s, but later in his career he was elected governor of Alabama with overwhelming black support....  [in 1971] he used the governorship to stay in the public eye, announcing to the national press that he’d always been a moderate and no longer believed in racial segregation. He courted the black vote he had formerly despised, trying to build a new image as a presidential candidate.... After the shooting, Wallace’s life changed. His marriage to Cornelia crumbled. Out of office and often alone, he began to call his old enemies, asking their forgiveness. In time, he gained the political support of Alabama’s growing African American electorate. He had come full circle in his career. "I have no problem forgiving George Wallace," says J. L. Chestnut, a black attorney from Selma. "I will not forget George Wallace because we must deal with the reality of Wallace. How is it that a demagogue, insulting twenty million black people daily on the television, can rise to the heights that Wallace did? Forgive? Yes. Forget? Never." 

From Biography.com:

From the late 1970s onward, Wallace attempted to revise his public image by modifying his previous position on race issues. He claimed that many of his statements had been misunderstood, and he emphasized his populist leanings. In some cases, he issued public apologies for his earlier actions. By the time of his fourth term as Alabama governor, he'd begun receiving a substantial amount of support from black political organizations and black voters. His efforts to improve the state's economy, health care, employment and infrastructure were considered highly successful.

From Peggy Roberson:

When Wallace died on Sept. 13, thousands of African Americans in the state and elsewhere had forgiven him his trespasses. Black voters' support was responsible for placing him in the governor's office for a fourth time in 1982 after he said he was wrong about segregation. I am surprised even now that it happened. But both white and black Southerners love repentant sinners. Some said that given the choice on that ballot -- between a crippled old toothless tiger and the healthy, young Republican mayor of Montgomery -- they preferred the devil they knew. ..

Somehow, however, Wallace evolved from the politics of confrontation to the politics of accommodation. Healey, who wrote The two Deaths of George Wallace (Black Belt Press, Montgomery, Ala., 1996) hit the nail on the head when he said Wallace "never proved himself to be a friend to blacks, but by the end of his public life, he had at least gotten out of their way."

...On the 30th anniversary of the civil rights march from Selma to Montgomery (March 7, 1965) Wallace asked for permission to make a statement. This time, the marchers traced the route peacefully--a marked contrast to the violent confrontation that awaited the marchers 30 years earlier when Wallace's storm troops clubbed them into retreat or submission. "May your message be heard. May your lessons never be forgotten. May our history be always remembered," he said. 

Joseph Lowery, the Birmingham Methodist minister who helped organize the first march and then headed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Atlanta until recently, thanked Wallace "for coming out of your sickness to meet us. You are a different George Wallace today. We both serve a God who can make the desert bloom. We ask God's blessing on you."