It was supposed to be so easy. Sure we have watched our politics
debased over forty years, and elected a succession of crooks,
incompetents, fools, rich out of touch fellows, self indulgent Democrats
acting as Republicans (one actually) followed by an idiot who talked as
if he was comic book character to serve as President. Yes, our
attempts to control the way political campaigns are financed were
seriously
damaged by a foolish Supreme Court opinion, and we have looked the
other way, bored to tears over the entire subject, as state and federal
legislators turned over their work to whoever could contribute the most
money to the quest to remain in office.
All we had to do was
elect President Obama and all that damage, all that which has corrupted
or system would just go away. One of the President's primary
opponents captured the mood fairly well
ridiculing
the idea that by electing anyone as President we would be able to
stand
up ...and say 'Let's just get everybody together. Let's get unified.
The sky will open! The light will come down! Celestial choirs will be
singing! And everyone will know we should do the right thing and the
world will be perfect!' Maybe I've just lived a little long, but I have
no illusions about how hard this is going to be. You are not going to
wave a magic wand and have the special interests disappear!"
That
silliness was not
why many of us voted for the man who is now President, but there
can be little question many people worked hard and even voted for him
expecting that, if he could not exercise superhuman powers, he would at
least have regal ones.
After all, we are repeatedly reminded,
the
prior president and his vice president were able to accomplish their
nefarious ends with ease:
just who other than the
VICE President was responsible for us dropping the ball in Afghanistan
to reorder our resources to an ill-founded invasion of Iraq?
There
is considerable power within the Executive to LEAD this nation - even
into ill-considered adventures such as the Iraq War if you are so
inclined. But such leadership will never be realized in an effort to
constantly triangulate advancement on issues regardless of the degree to
which they contain a moral imperative to be realized. (see the nobly
democratic Health Care Reform effort which has very effectively been
triangulated into a "Health Insurance Industry Profits Enhancement and
Protection Act.")
The people who just believed in
this candidate, to the extent of trashing any other (Democrats included,
of course) and believed that what he represented could be translated
into radical change almost overnight (not even: some wanted Guantanamo
closed while the inaugural balls were taking place and the prior
President, Vice President and much of their appointees under arrest by
the end of the first week) had to be disappointed. Sadly, though,
many
have decided that the nearly eleven months of this administration has
been "a miserable failure" sincethe
planets are all in alignment for this nation to once again experience a
major corrective move back toward the principles of democracy and
economic justice
Even were that true, to accomplish
those ends requires an enormous change in the way Congress operates,
particularly the way its members get elected and re-elected, and nearly
revolutionary changes in how out national political life operates. The
quotation from
President
Kennedy's inaugural almost always comes to mind:
All
this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be
finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this
Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let
us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than
mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this
country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to
give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans
who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the
trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we
need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but a call to
bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out,
"rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the
common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,
North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for
all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
Yes,
there are areas where President Obama and his staff need to improve.
Paul Krugman has been
among
the loudest voices against
the
President's sunny views of the opposition and,
as he has counseled, the White House needs to take notice that even
the President's supposed "good friend," Senator Lugar, has been among
those who filibustered against the overly modest recovery program which
passed in the emergency days after the inauguration.
But neither President Obama, nor Rahm Emanuel are the problem. They are, in fact,
the only route to a solution available to us. Tearing them down,
walking away from the process,
talking
about a third party whose doomed to defeat candidate will mouth all of
the demands you have, and oppose all of the injustices you see will
help the Republicans elect another fool to the presidency, increase its
presence in the Congress and otherwise frustrate what needs to be done.
You
want to talk about war and peace, and health care, and justice and
these are all very important issues. Some, such as the lack of health
care and the massive unemployment which besets so many of us, cannot
wait for the reform of our political system and need to confronted,
however imperfectly we can do so, under the nearly absurd level of
discourse to which we have descended where emergency funding for the
military is held up until shortly after 6 A.M., in the midst of a
blizzard a week before Christmas.
The issues which raise our
emotions and passions must, however, take, in the main,a back seat to
the only issue which can restore our government to some level which
reflects the will of the people, rather than of those who can afford to
engage the existing system under the current conditions.
The vice
of the beltway is not "lobbying" per se. That various interests can
afford to pay for lobbyists to meet members of Congress is not why we
are losing. The idea that Senators and members of the House are being
swayed by one-sided arguments from those who can hire people to make
their case, while we cannot, is hardly the problem. This is not an
intellectual matter where the members are considering various points of
view and, in any event, the "lobbyists" are not that articulate.
The
issue is money. Money for campaigns. Money to pay for television
commercials. Money to answer one's critics. We all get bored by this
subject and the intricacies of how campaigns are funded and the clever
ploys to get around those rules. It is time for this community and rest
of those who really want change, to roll up their sleeves and fight the
only battle that will matter in the end. That battle, of course, must
be fought under the rigged rules that money has already established,
and as those resisting change in the way people pay for health care were
able to use that system to their utmost advantage, they will redouble
their efforts to defeat any meaningful campaign finance reform.
Linda
Greenhouse, the former New York Times legal correspondent,
blogged
the other day about how long the Supreme Court has taken to decide a
major campaign finance case argued twice before it. It was, as most
of her work is, very insightful, and included a story that illustrated
how much the raising of cash sucks up the air in the political world
these days, at the obvious expense of the Big Issues. Yet, she also
confess[ed]
to long-standing agnosticism on the campaign finance issue. I take the
First Amendment arguments seriously, and I think that the provision of
McCain-Feingold at issue in the original Citizens United case -- banning
corporate-paid "electioneering communications" from the airwaves during
the weeks before an election -- goes too far toward suppressing
legitimate expression.
The time for agnosticism,
your faithful blogger responded, should have ended with
Valeo
or, more precisely, its consequences. I am not talking about the
perversion of the 2004 campaign by the "swift boaters" but that is at
least an easily digestible example of how a supposed "free speech"
question has perverted our system. The health care debate is, however, a
better example of a system that is completely and almost frighteningly,
broken mainly because of the inability to regulate the way political
campaigns are financed.
The additional discourse Ms.
Greenhouse's post prompted largely missed the point. First, the issue
has nothing to do with whether a corporation is a "person." Moreover, if
someone told you that you could not give money to find the campaign of
someone you supported it would be easier to understand the relationship
between campaign contributions and free speech. But free speech is
regulated all the time. You are not allowed, for instance, disclose
certain information you receive in confidence, nor libel and slander
anyone, you cannot use a religious or not for profit organization to
promote a political point of view, and, if yo are a federal employee,
you are not allowed to even publicly support a candidate. That is the
issue.
And it is one we have known to be the crux of our problem
for some time. With apologies to those faithful readers who may have
seen many of the same posted
here
last August, it is worth noting again that it is clear from all that has
transpired, that the failure to enact meaningful campaign finance
reform will doom us forever to a regime where money---and only
money---will win out over all. I am not so naive to believe that there
is anyway to prevent those with from getting their views to be
considered beyond their value. The issue is whether the rest of us have a
chance.
The first president to explain this to us did so in
the
starkest of terms, in his campaign for re-election in 1936:
The royalists of the economic order have conceded that
political freedom was the business of the government, but they have
maintained that economic slavery was nobody's business. They granted
that the government could protect the citizen in his right to vote, but
they denied that the government could do anything to protect the citizen
in his right to work and his right to live....These economic royalists
complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What
they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our
allegiance to American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind
of power. In vain they seek to hide behind the flag and the
Constitution. In their blindness they forget what the flag and the
Constitution stand for. Now, as always, they stand for democracy, not
tyranny; for freedom, not subjection; and against a dictatorship by mob
rule and the over-privileged alike.
Yet here we are,
more than a half century later, still unable to find a way to care for
our fellow citizens the way every other industrialized nation has, and
besieged by opinionmakers whose opinion has been bought and paid for by
the precise group we thought we had defeated with the election and
re-election of President Roosevelt and now by the election of President
Obama.
There is no question about what is happening to us. It
was, after all, Senator McCain, before his silence was purchased, who
explained it clearly in 1999, when he was running against the symbol of
the bought and paid for presidency: a Texas Governor named Bush.
At
the time, Senator McCain proposed a health care plan that was not a
good one, but something. It depended on the generosity of private
entities, of course, since that's what Republicans do. But more
important was Senator McCain's
connecting
his health care proposal to his fight, with Senator Russell Feingold,
for campaign finance reform:
Taking the
$100,000 special interest checks out of politics is the gateway through
which all other reforms including the reform of our health care system
must pass...Republicans want to protect the insurance companies from
lawsuits. The Democrats want to let the trial lawyers sue anyone for
anything.
It was this McCain---the one we thought
showed promise of being a Republican who would and could work to solve
our nation's problems though from a different perspective--and not the
fraud who now goes by the same name who
announced
his 2000 campaign for the presidency explaining that
To improve our health-care system, we must rein in the power of
trial lawyers and the influence of insurance companies.
and
who, in a debate among Republican candidates
said,
in reference to comment by Gary Bauer about an issue his mother had
with an H.M.O. Washington is gridlocked by
special interests. Gary, why do you think it is that we couldn't give
patients some fundamental rights?...The Republicans are in the grip of
the H.M.O.s and the insurance companies and their huge six- and
seven-figure donations.
The line about big bad trial
lawyers is, again, from the Republican playbook and not to be taken
very seriously as anything more than political blather (as anyone who
has tried to sue a malpracticing doctor would know). The rest of what he
said enraged Republicans and probably redoubled their efforts to elect
the Bush whose family came from the insurance industry heaven known as
Connecticut.
That same McCain is now left on the Senate floor
sputtering (
falsely
as it turns out)
about
having been around here 20-some years. First
time I've ever seen a member denied an extra minute or two to finish his
remarks. ... I just haven't seen it before myself. And I don't like it.
And I think it harms the comity of the Senate not to allow one of our
members at least a minute.
Comity of the Senate?
(Maybe, comedy of the Senate). What comity is there where the minority
party as a bloc routinely votes against anything the majority proposes.
Anything. What comity is the Senator referring to where
the
number of cloture votes has risen to the extent that it is just taken
as a given that no bill can pass the Senate without 60 votes. Are
you old enough to remember
the
lament that the Senate was about to lose the collegiality and devotion
to the country that made it essentially different from the more
political House of Representatives?
It is something which, of
course,is long gone. Krugman noted
the
absence of "adults" during last year's financial crisis but it is a
deeper problem than as to just that issue. There are no "wise heads"
anymore; the people who can travel between the parties to accomplish an
end that is politically difficult but important to the country. It
took, for instance, Senator Dirksen delivering
many of his minority members to pass the Civil Rights and
Voting
Rights Acts in the mid 1960s to defeat filibusters by southerners
who were then part of the Democratic Party.
That won't happen
again until people can run for the House and Senate without the
financial support of the parties or outside interests. Until then, most
members and candidates will try to reconcile their positions with those
of the people who are willing to fund those campaigns. That is why
despite
a vast
majority of our citizens preferring some sort of public health insurance
program, we won't have one. Today's
joke
of an excuse as to why Senator Snowe cannot vote for cloture shows
how completely broken our politics have become.
That is not the
President's fault, nor Senator Reid's or Rahm Emmanuel's. It is not
really even Senator Lieberman's fault or the cloture rules in the
Senate. It is our political system. It has to change. And, honestly,
if it does not,
I
fear the consequences.
This is not the time to drop out.
This the time to become a wonk. This is the time to start down a long,
winding, but difficult to traverse road to change.
And no: this
will not be accomplished during this administration, nor necessarily the
life of many of us on this planet.
But let us begin.