MURDER, POLITICS, AND THE END OF THE JAZZ AGE
by Michael Wolraich
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MURDER, POLITICS, AND THE END OF THE JAZZ AGE by Michael Wolraich Order today at Barnes & Noble / Amazon / Books-A-Million / Bookshop |
Since this is "Ding dong, bin Laden is dead" day, I'll note that we still have the same problems with energy depletion and financial shenanigans and unemployment that we had yesterday. Perhaps killing OBL will gain Obama some slack with people spending $50 to fill their compact cars. But for how long?
At 3QuarksDaily, in American Liberalism’s Middle Class Fetish, anthropologist and 3Qd contributor Michael Blim heaps blame on liberals, as he defines them, and questions whether the middle class is worth saving:
American liberalism arose at the turn of the 20th Century when the middle class produced by our nation’s massive industrial great leap forward began to make money and to thirst for the power to remake American society in its own image. It strived to make an America that was educated, efficient, and fair. Convinced that social problems could be solved through scientific study and pragmatic policy-making that prescribed specific remedies, American liberalism sought to regulate business abuses, restore competition in markets, and to build, albeit incrementally, a welfare state. It sought the upper hand politically by eschewing social democracy, thus rejecting any real need for power sharing with labor and the working class. Ensnared by its own narcissistic self-regard, it imagined itself the guardian of the general interest; every other group or class was just a special interest.
Given that the poor at the turn of the century could not even represent themselves as an interest, middle class liberals became their paladins and later reluctant allies of organized labor representing sizeable working-class unrest. Never secure in its mandate and always fearful of its plutocratic cousins, middle class liberalism via the Democratic Party became a rather inconstant tribune of the people. When the poor wanted power and money, as in the fractious years of the war on poverty, liberals disabled them politically. When labor sought not simply a welfare state and the right to organize but the political muscle to take over basic industries, liberals cooperated in anti-communist crusades during the forties and fifties to root out the radicals in labor’s midst, and never made turning back punitive anti-labor laws a congressional must. Liberals, self-presenting missionaries of the middle class, believed as so many liberal parties before them that their class was finally the best and the brightest, and the most fit to rule in a democracy composed of the more fractious and self-interested.
And so, over the past thirty-some years, the poor and then the working class, the latter initially as organized labor and then as “working families,” have been thrown over by liberals, and a new fascination with the middle class since the Clinton era has taken their place. Perhaps fascination is too genteel a term; it’s more of an obsession. American liberalism is waging its latest (or last?) campaign to save the middle class, and in so doing, save its waning power base in a country where wages are being brutally beaten down by a perfect storm of economic disaster and political malice, and the few badges of middle class aspirations such as home ownership, a financed oversize car running on cheap gas, a kid or two at good colleges, and winter vacations to Florida and the Islands are seeming like high cost items on an over-used charge card. (See the March 2011 issue of American Prospect for the left liberal version of “save the middle class” politics.).
In the paragraphs above, though, Blim is describing the middle class, and its political will, as almost entirely liberal. However, I grew up in the middle class and saw mostly moderate conservatives. My parents, relatives and their friends liked Goldwater and the nation later elected Nixon. I know that Nixon appears relatively progressive by today's standards, but he was not a liberal, nor were most of the people that elected him.
In closing, Blim does admit that only some of the middle class was liberal:
Yet, liberalism’s dilemma is that it seldom if ever achieves a majority among its own kind in the middle class. The blandishments of riches bribe some, and lead others to aspire to the plutocracy. The resentments of losing middle class position and status quickly create reactionaries. As political scientist Larry Bartels (Unequal Democracy. 2008) has shown, it’s the middle class that has run off as the going has gotten rough electorally. The poor and working class since the seventies, if anything, have been too loyal to liberals and the Democratic Party for what modest gains they have received in return.
Of course there were moderates and conservatives in the middle class all along. Middle class liberals may have become more moderate, but the, "middle class that has run off," sounds more to me like a description of libertarians and conservatives forming the Tea Party than anything that liberals have done.
As to whether the middle class is worth saving, environmentalists like Julian Darley tell us that the world's resources can't sustain the middle class anyway. So we really have to throw in with the working class. So I can see why Blim questions saving the middle class, I just can't see why he's trashing liberals.
Comments
The True Left in this country got it's start with the blue collar and working class and unions. Up until the end of WWII it constituted a large part of the Socialist moment in this country.
The so called Red Scare and anti-communist furor that make up the 1950s through the 1980s came mostly from this so called middle class. The professional and semi-professional college educate the felt them selves above such things as unions. An interesting note is that the term Liberal has a very different meaning in British and European politics where it comes much closer to Libertarian.
It has been my experience that the middle class has never been that progressive and has always been anti-socialist since any kind of socialist policy would be against there financial interests.
A large number of these people considering themselves to be Liberal. Tho most were moderate to conservative.
by cmaukonen on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 2:42pm
We ended up with a middle class for half a century because we were a socialist nation during WWII.
The government controlled the means of production; no ifs ands or buts.
We had a full draft, a system of rationing and a propaganda system that was extraordinary. Nobody was supposed to have that much more than everybody else.
Because the dems were in for such a long time throughout the 30's & 40's, unions reigned.
We took no crap from the capitalists.
By 1980 we had a strong middle class who had access to full educational opportunities, single family homes, and wages protected by the forces of the unions.
That same Middle Class forgot how they were created and voted in the repubs.
30 years later the unions are devistated and are losing more ground every single week through the actions of state repub legislatures.
Our Middle Class is getting what they voted for.
Will they wake up?
by Richard Day on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 3:03pm
The working class also voted in the Repubs. And it was stated over and over during the Wisconsin flap that not even union members vote reliably for Dems anymore. So why lay this at the feet of the middle class liberals?
by Donal on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 3:40pm
I was not referring to liberals. I grew up in an all white middle class suburb.
No, many members of the middle class switched to the repubs out of racism and out of a deeply felt sense of entitlement; they had worked hard, they had won the war.....
by Richard Day on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 3:56pm
Entitlement and privilege. The old feudal order. Which belongs on the trash heap of history.
by cmaukonen on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 4:03pm
Many members of every class switched to the repubs out of racism, or morality politics. I still don't buy the argument that the middle class is more culpable than anyone else.
by Donal on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 8:27pm
Because pleasure is the point of life and most people can only imagine middle class pleasures for the masses.
I say they're not ambitious enough. Let's fool them all and throw in our lot with the Hiltons.
by Michael Maiello on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 3:45pm
Being Middle Class or even calling one's self Liberal and voting for Democrats does not a lefty make.
In my own family there were those who voted democrat and call themselves liberals who were some of the worst race and class bigots I have known.
A lot of Middle Class whites left the democratic party over civil rights and Vietnam and what they saw as entitlements. Especially if those entitlements were meant for poor minorities.
by cmaukonen on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 5:54pm
What is middle class?
From Rich Man, Poor Man | Mother Jones: — By Kevin Drum| Wed Apr. 27, 2011 9:15 AM PDT
"Everyone thinks they're middle class. This isn't a big surprise: the word 'rich' has specific connotations (servants, mansions on the Gold Coast, 200-foot yachts, etc.) and even someone making $200-300 thousand a year probably doesn't have any of that stuff. What's more, most people in that income range were likely raised middle class, so culturally they still think of themselves that way even if their incomes give them a pretty comfortable lifestyle."
Researchers surveyed 1,100 households in Buenos Aires and asked them a purely objective question: what decile do you think your income puts you in? The bottom decile means you're part of the poorest 10%, the fifth decile means you're right in the middle, and the tenth decile means you're part of the richest 10%. Here's how things shook out:
Fascinating! The very poorest thought they were actually in the fourth decile — just barely below average. The very richest thought they were in the sixth decile — just barely above average."
by EmmaZahn on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 6:46pm
This makes it look like everybody thinks of themselves as middle class!
Stupid reality.
by wabby on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 7:55pm
I'm the working poor. Soon to become the non-working retired poorer.
by cmaukonen on Mon, 05/02/2011 - 8:00pm
.................................................neoliberalism is less an economic system or social order than global capital’s management style for a situation of lower profits. In this sense we might recognize the birth of neoliberalism not in the ideologies of Thatcher and Reagan but in the California tax revolts of 1978: what played at being a moral jihad of suburban homeowners was simply part of an intensifying competition for a smaller pool of profits. Similarly, New York City’s 1975 brush with bankruptcy was a struggle between municipal government and Wall Street over insufficient revenues; the utter triumph of the latter was the shape of things to come.
But the seeming restoration of profit by the financial sector proved illusory. The neoliberal strategy of opening new markets to sell more widgets, and internalizing more cheap labor into the growing empire of capital, arrived both at diminishing returns and at the limits of the globe. One could say that the ’70s crisis was a wound to the economy; the following decades provided a series of wrappings, poultices and painkillers. The blowout of 2008 was akin to their sudden removal—beneath which the old wound had only deepened and abscessed. Real profit was not restored, even if the profit rate briefly danced on air; it was a temporary fix to a permanent contradiction.
The current catastrophe is a rare creature, to be sure. But it is not a black swan; it is a zombie. It is the last crisis come calling, and the one before that and before that again—not just returned but fortified by the intervening years and the deferral of a reckoning. This crisis that keeps returning, now dressed in finery, now in rags, is evidently not a monster sprung from one particular deviation. Global crisis is, increasingly, the unnatural natural state of modern capital. It will not be laid to rest by fiddling with the alignment of parts, much less returning to a previous mode—these parts, these modes, are what set it shambling forward, hungry, blindly grasping, in the first place.
Joshua Clover, April 25th Nation
And what rough beast,its hour come round at last,
Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?
W.B. Yeats. The Second Coming
by Flavius on Tue, 05/03/2011 - 6:50am
For myself the strength of a nations middle class is the true measure of it's greatness. It shows a system with a true ability to allow a person assertion to a fair standard of living, and inclusiveness in education, justice and overall opportunity. The political terminology of conservative - liberal or what have you is only useful for divisive purposes and general name calling. People are mixtures of all the concepts that exist on both sides of the isle. Why not just keep the debate to what is fair and just for the people of this nation and dispense with the Right and Left jargon. Right Left argument is used for the purpose of divide and conquer. Let's see past this and do what is the correct thing for America. I realize what is "right" is debatable in itself but if people would look inside themselves instead of externally at their wants and perceived needs; I'm sure we could come to a consensus.
by Tommy Holmes on Sun, 05/08/2011 - 7:39am